^k 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


HIM 


2.5 


2.0 

1.6 


p^ 


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'^1 


/a 


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^    .>^ 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


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^<h 


•1; 


^■' 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEaSTER.N.Y.  14590 

(716)  872-4503 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  canadien  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Tschnical  and  Bibliographic  Notas/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquas 


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toti 


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D 


Colourad  covars/ 
^"^    Couvartura  da  coulaur 


D 
D 
D 
G 
D 
D 
D 
D 

n 


D 


Covars  damagad/ 
Couvartura  andommagia 

Covars  rastored  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  et/ou  palliculAo 

Covar  t<tla  missing/ 

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The 
posi 
of  tl 
film 


Orifi 

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the 

sion 

oth« 

first 

sion 

ori) 


r~~|  Pages  detached/ 

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r~n  Quality  of  print  varies/ 

n~|  Includes  supplementary  material/ 

rn  Only  edition  available/ 


The 
shal 
TINI 
whl« 

Map 
diffc 
entii 
begi 
right 
requ 
met! 


D 


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Ce  document  est  filmi  au  taux  de  reduction  indiquA  ci-dersous 

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26X 


30X 


/I 


12X 


16X 


20X 


a4x 


28X 


32X 


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filmage. 

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d'impression  ou  d'iliustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparahra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  chaque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symboie  — ►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE ',  le 
symbols  y  signifie  "FIN". 


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different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmod 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
fiimds  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  filmd  &  partir 
de  I'angie  sup^rieur  gauche,  de  gauche  d  droits, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  lies  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mdthode. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

\'4M:f 


cm&iCT. 


THE 


IIW  '. 


NT  ifitii: 


JAOT^BY,  18 


••■■^j*. 


l^fBrf^-  f%miia»,  PrinieT*. 


t;^«yyVrwrwvi4M*vw% 


i)M'^' 


SCRIPTURAL  VIEW 


or  THa 


CHARACTER,  CAUSES,  AND  ENDS 


or  THB 


PRESENT  WAR. 


CI 


PI 


SCRIPTURAL  VIEW 


OF   THK 


CHAHACTER,  CAUSES,  ANB  ENBS 


op 


THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


-^^ViO— 

BY  ALEXANDER  ^^LEOD,  D.  D. 

PASTOR    OF    THK    REFORMED    PRESBYTERIAN    CHURCH, 
NEW-YORK. 

-<*«(*%— 


"  HearVon  to  me;  I  also  will  show  mine  opinion  "    Klihu. 
"  H»ar  ye  tbe  rod,  and  wlio  hatli  appointed  it. "    JIicab. 


>e«90-<)i!c>9att9a 


NEW- YORK ; 

PUBLISHED   BY   EASTBURN,  KIRK  AND   CO.;   WHITINO  AND 
WATSON;  AND   SMITH  AND   FORMAN. 


Paul  Sr  Thomas,  Prinfcrn. 
1815. 


<^/^  ^  ''^'/^ 


UiitrUI  iifiXeiv-  York,  ij. 

BEITRRMEMBEHED,  tint  on  the  Tirenlictlnlay  of  JtAutry,  in  the  Thirty-»)nHi 
year  of  the  Indenen.lenre  of  tlie  United  St»te«  of  America,  Alixakdir  M't.KOD 
of  the  said  .listrict,  has  deposited  in  this  office  the  title  of  a  Ijoolt,  tlie  right  whereof  ha 
claims  as  Author,  in  the  words  following,  to  wit :  a  »"»  ii» 

"  A  Sc^Ptura' View  of  the  Cliaractor.  Canw.  and  Ends  of  the  Present  War.  br  Alixasdi'ii 
M'liEOD.  D  D.  Pastor  of  the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church,  New-Yorli.  "^-nDiR 

'  "  Hearken  unto  me  :  I  also  will  show  in'ne  opinion."     EHInk. 
'  "  Hear  ye  the  rod,  and  who  hath  appointed  It.    Mlco*.'  " 

III  conformity  to  the  act  of  the  Conp-css  of  the  United  States,  entitled  "  an  Act  Tor  the  «n- 
cnuragement  of  Leamine.  I.y  securing  the  copies  Of  Maps.  Charts,  and  Hooks  to  th* 
authors  and  proprietors  of  such  copies,  durin?  the  time  therein  mentioned."  And  also  to 
an  Act,  entitled,  "an  Act,  supplementary  to  an  Act,  entitle<l  au  Act  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  LeaininK,  by  securinii;  the  copies  of  Maps,  Charts,  and  Books  to  the  authors  and 
proprietors  of  such  copies,  during  the  times  therein  mentioned,  and  extending  the  benefits 
'liereof  to  the  arts  of  dMigning,  •ngraving,  and  etching  historical  and  other  priiitT" 

THERON  RUnO, 
Clerk  of  fbe  Southern  District  of  New-York. 


PKEFAClfi. 


IN  a  free  country,  it  in  the  privilege  of  the  subject 
to  examine,  and  to  judge  tlie  measures  of  tlie  go- 
vernment.   Where  every  man  is  iipon  the  footing  of 
equal  riglits  with  another,  the  rulers  are  the  servants 
of  the  public;  their  personal  qualities,  and  tlieir  of- 
ficial conduct,  are  of  course  proper  objects  of  ani- 
madversion.    If  magistrates  are  found  deficient  in 
talents  or  hitegrity,  they  arc  unfit  for  their  station ; 
and  if  their  official  deportment  should  prove  inju- 
rious to  the  commonwealth,  the  end  of  their  eleva- 
tion is  not  answered,  and  tliey  should,  of  course,  be 
dismissed  from  their  employment  by  the  people  over 
whom  they  unworthily  rule.     In  this  country,  the 
right  of  examining  the  merit  of  men  in  olfice,  and  of 
candidate^  for  power,  is  fully  enjoyed.     The  press 
is  free ;  and  any  one,  who  chooses  to  be  at  the  trou- 
ble or  expense,  may  publish  his  opinions,  as  well  as 
freely  express  them  in  the   circle   of  his   private 
friends.     As  this  liberty  is  universal,  no  man  has  a 
right  to  complain  of  its  enjoyment  or  exercise  by 
another.    For  the  manner,  indeed,  in  which  a  per- 
son sees  proper  either  to  speak  or  to  write,  he  is 
amenable,  according  to  the  laws  of  courtesy  and  of 
equity,  to  the  proper  tribunals  in  civilized  life.   The 


VI 


PREFACE. 


same  ]il>erty  which  guarantees  a  fair  hearing  to  the 
opponents  of  the  measures  of  administration,  se- 
cures a  similar  right  to  those  who  undertake  their 
vindication.  Let  the  parties  contend  in  the  strife  of 
reason  ;  and  truth,  upon  an  equal  footing  with  error, 
must  prevail. 

* 

I  have  exercised,  in  the  discourses  now  laid  before 
the  public,  this  privilege  of  a  freeman.     I  have  be- 
lieved, llierefore  have  I  spoken.     If  the  tendency  of 
my  publication,  is  to  support  the  present  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  the  work  ought  not  to  be 
condemned  merely  on  that  account.     I  am  ready  to 
ac  .nowledge  that  a  great  part  of  my  most  intimate 
literary  friends,   are  in  opposition ;  but  this  consi- 
deration does  not,  in  the  least  degree,  affect  my  con- 
victions of  truth  and  righteousness.    Against  the  pre- 
sent ,var,  much  of  that  opposition  has  been  directed 
I  have  perceived,  grafted  upon  the  strife  for  place 
and  power,  errors  which  required  correction :  and, 
it  is  for  this  purpose,  more  than  for  the  sake  of  serv- 
ing the  rulers  of  the  land,  that  I  have  taken  up  the 
subject.     Had  I  thought  much  less  of  the  men,  who 
hold  the  sceptre,  than  1  do,  I  would  have  thought  and 
spoken  of  the  cause  of  my  country,  precisely  as  I 
have  done. 

These  sermons  were  addressed  to  christians,  from 
the  pulpit;  and  for  their  use,  they  are  principally 
mtendea,  when  issued  from  the  press.  Several  re- 
spectable ministers  of  religion,  took  an  eariy  stand 
against  the  measures  of  government ;  and  denounced 


FREFACl. 


VU 


as  cruel,  and  unprovoked,  and  unjust,  the  present 
appeal  to  arms.     These  opinions  remained  long  be> 
fore   the   public  without  contradiction ;  and  it  ap- 
peared, from  the  activity  of  their  authors,  and  the 
silence  of  others,  as  if  they  were  incapable  of  re- 
futation.    It  was  becoming  a  general  opinion,  that 
the  clergy  and  the  church  weie,  on  the  great  ques- 
tion between  the  United  States  and  England,  upon 
the  side  of  the  enemy.     Many  pious  people  were 
discouraged;    their  personal   exertions,    and  their 
prayers,  were  aflected  by  this  fact :  and  even,  wlien 
our  own  city  was  under  the  apprehension  of  imme- 
diate invasion,  so  great  was  the  force  of  prejudice, 
that  many  men  of  intelligent  piety  doubted,  whe- 
ther they  could  join  together  in  prayer,  for  courage 
to  our  warriors,  and  success  to  our  armaments,   in 
order  to  procure  a  speedy,  an  honourable,  and  a  per- 
manent peace.    I  beheld  with  alarm,  the  extent  of 
the  evil  of  party  spirit.     I  viewed  it  as  a  judgment 
from  the  Lord  ;  and  I  became  fearful  that  the  clouds 
of  his  indignation    must   thicken   around   us— that 
the  hand  of  the  eneiny,  and  a  long  continuance  of 
c-lamity  would    become  necessary  in  divine  Pro- 
vidence to  effect  the  unanimity,  without  which,   1 
am  still  apprehensive,  we  shall  not  succeed  in  put- 
ting an  end  to  the  contest.     I  am  persuaded,  that  it 
iequires  no  more  than  a  display  of  unajvimitv  in 
RESISTING   AGGRESSION,  to  piocure  at  any  time  an 
honourable  peace.     While  the  enemy  expects  to  di- 
vide, why  should  he  seek  to  conciliate  ? 

The  principles  v  bich  I  have  laid  down,  and  en- 
forced in  those  sermons,  are  not,  however,  of  mere 


VIU 


PRKFACJi. 


temporary  interest.  Whether  in  peace,  or  at  war, 
they  are  of  importance  to  a  christian  community! 
They  are  the  permanent  principles  of  social  order 
and  public  equity.  If  the  work  contained  a  sin- 
gle sentiment  of  irreligious  or  immoral  iendency, 
I  would  cheerfully  consign  it  to  the  flames.  I 
love  mankind,  I  love  the  country  of  my  choice,  I 
love  the  saints;  and  I  desire  to  promotl^the  best 
intei-ests  of  true  religion  and  of  civil  liberty,  be- 
•ause  I  love  my  God. 

New-York,  Jan.  20,  1815. 


DISCOURSES,  ^c. 


\'^>'S- 


♦ 


SERMON  I. 


Amaziak  said  unto  Amos,  O  thou  seer,  go,  flee  thee 
away  into  the  land  of  Jvdah,  and  there  eat  bread 
and  prophesy  there:  but  prophesy  not  anymore  at 
Bethel;  for  it  is  the  king's  ehapel,  and  it  is  the 
king's  court.     Then  answered  Amos,  and  said  to 
Amaztah,  I  was  no  prophet,  neither  was  I  a  pro- 
VheCs  son  ;  but  I  was  an  herdman,  and  a  gatherer 
of  sycamorefruit :  and  the  Lord  took  me  as  I  fol- 
lowed the  flock;  and  the  Lord  said  unto  me^ Go, 
prophesy  unto  my  people  Israel.     Now,  therefore, 
hear  thou  the  word  of  the  Lord.     Amos  vii.  1 2—1 Q, 

1  HE  subject,  which  I  propose  for  discussion  in  a 
series  of  discourses  to  be  delivered  on  this  hour  of 
the  Lord's  day,  has  always  been  considered  as  ly- 
ing out  of  the  common  routine  of  pulpit  exhibition  ■ 
and  has  moreover,  by  some,  been  viewed  as  alto.re- 
ther  without  the  field  in  which  ministers  are  appoint- 
ed to  labour.  I,  of  course,  at  the  commencement  of 
my  remarks  on  the  present  state  of  our  public  af- 
fairs, anticipate  from  a  judicious  audience  the  ques- 
tion once  addressed  to  our  Saviour,  although  T  arn 


10 


THF,    IJIOIIT    OP    /)ISC(T.SSIi\(, 


confitlont  U  will  be  proposed  in  ,,„iio  n  (lim-rent 
•pirit  IVoni  lliat  vvliich  inniieiued  iUv  Jewish  rulers, 
hi/  ivlial  auilwrily  doest  thou  these  things  ?  and  who 
gate  ther  this  authority  /* 

n  is  a  wi(l(«  spare,  Christians,  that  separates  the 
line  of  eonducf,  which  would  suhject  the  public  lui- 
iii.^lry  of  the  church  to  the  o[jinions  of  men,  from 
tiiat,  which  treats  wifh  conten)pt  tiie  sentiments  of  a 
respectalde  part  of  the  comnunnty.     Hrtus  est  me- 
dium vitionim.f    'riiou^h  I  will  not  he  deterred  by 
popular  opinion,   from  prosecuting  this  subject,   I 
(eel  it  my  dutv  to  treat  with  tcridtrness,  and  even 
respect,  the    prejudices  of  valuable   men.     There- 
fore do  I  preface  a  discussion  which  may  in  a  cer- 
tain sense  bt;  termed  political,  with  an  exhibition  of 
the   authority   under  which,  in  this  instance,  I  act. 
Far  be  it  from  me  to  assert  the  ri^ht  of  enslaving 
the  minds  of  my  hearers  into  passive  obedience  to 
sacerdotal  claims;  nor  shall  I   insult  an  audience, 
which  ought  to  be  endowed  with  christian  discern- 
ment, by  an  etlbrt  at  brow-beating  the  most  humble 
of  my  fellow-mc^n.  My  apology  is  found  in  the  words 
of  Amos  the  prophet. 

Some  explanation  is  necessary  to  comprehend  the 
object  of  my  text.  The  writer' was  a  native  of  Te- 
koa,  a  small  town  adjacent  to  the  wilderness  of  Ju- 
dah.  Here  he  passed  his  early  years,  in  attending 
his  flocks,  and  in  gathering,  in  its  season,  the  Egvp- 


*■  Mark  xi,  28. 


i  Cicero 


nJBI    C   itFFAlKb. 


11 


(lilTlrent 

sh   rulers, 

and  who 


iratea  the 
mblic  ini- 
len,  IVoin 
enis  of  a 
us  est  mt- 
eried  hy 
il)joct,   I 
ind  even 
I'here- 
in  a  cer- 
l)ition  of 
^e,  I  act. 
Mislaving 
ience  to 
udience, 
(liscern- 
liuinble 
lie  words 


lend  the 
;  of  Te- 

58  of  Ju- 

Itending 
2  Egyp- 


tian  tig,  commonly  called   syvnmorc:fruit.     In  this 
pastoral  life,  Amos,  pious  and  inlelligenl,  enjoyed 
that  happy  simplicity  which  is  unembarrassed  by  Ihe 
fastidious  distinctions  of  more  polished  society.  He 
did  not  belong  1o  the  regularly  authorized  instruc- 
ters  of  the  church,  nor  was  he  educated  in  their  theo- 
logical schools,  miUur  a  prophet  nor  a  prophet's  son  ; 
but,  before  he  entered  upon  his  public  work,  he  had 
moie  than  an  equivalent  for  systematic  study,  and 
ordinary  induction  into  oflice :  he  was  divinely  called 
and  qualified   by  inspiration,  for  an  extraordinary 
mission  to  the  apostatizing  Iribes  of  Israel.     He  was 
called  to  the  prophetic  office  when  the  kingdom  of 
the  ten  tribes  was  in  its  utmost  splendour  and  pow- 
er, under  the   second  Jeroboam,    upwards  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  after  its  erection  under  the 
first  king  of  the  same  name. 

The  throne  of  Israel  had  been  removed  to  Sama- 
ria ;  but  still  the  king  maintained  a  court  and  a  pa- 
lace, as  well  as  a  royal  chapel  at  Bethel,  a  city  bor- 
dering upon  the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and  in  which 
the  first  Jeroboam  had  establislied  the  worship  of 
the  golden  calf  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
Israelites  from  returning  to  the  altar  at  Jerusalem. 
That  very  successful  insurgent,  a  despiser  himself  of 
the  worship  of  the  true  God,  was  an  observer  of  human 
nature  and  of  human  prejudices,  and  well  understood 
the  importance  of  some  form  of  religion,  (w^hetiier 
true  or  false  was  to  him  immaterial,)  as  an  engine  of 
state  policy :  and  he  mac^;  no  scruples  to  employ  it 


12 


TIIK   RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 


as  such.  His  successors  upon  the  throne,  appre- 
ciated his  policy  and  iu.itated  his  example.  Bethel 
revered  by  aJi  the  tribes  as  the  scene  of  ti,e  remark- 
able vision  of  their  father  Jacob,  was  still  continued 
as  a  principal  place  of  devotion,  and  decorated  with 
a  ro^^al  court,  an  opulent  hierarchy,  and  a  splendid 
superstition. 

When  Arnos  the  prophet  visited,  by  divine  direc- 
tion, this  city,  Amaziah  was  at  the  head  of  the  reli- 
gion established  by  law,  and  in  great  favour  with  the 
court  and  the  king.  Resenting  the  freedom  with 
which  the  minister  of  the  Lord  touched  upon  the  af- 
fairs  of  state,  Amaziah  accused  Amos  of  treason 
against  Jeroboam,  and  ordered  him  out  of  the  kino-- 
dom.  The  whole  case  is  represented  in  this  chapter 
from  the  8th  verse. 

Amos  had  denounced  both  the  religion  and  go- 
vernment of  Israel,  and   predicted   their  downfal 
verse  9.   The  sanctuaries  of  Israel  shall  be  laid  waste, 
and  I  will  rise  against  the  house  of  Jeroboam  with  the 
sword. 


The  chief  priest  of  the  prevalent  idolatry  was 
alarmed  at  this  uncourtly  interference  with  the  claims 
ot  majesty,  and  became  himself  the  informer,  verse 
10.  Then  Amamth,  the  priest  of  Bethel,  sent  to  Jero- 
boam the  kin^  of  Israel,  saying,  Amos  hath  conspired 
against  thee  in  the  midst  of  the  house  of  Israel:  the 
land  is  not  able  to  bear  all  his  words. 


FUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


13 


,  apprc- 
Bethel, 
remark- 
ontinued 
tetl  with 
splendid 


le  direc- 
the  reli- 
with  the 
)m  with 
ti  the  af- 
treason 
le  king- 
chapter 


and  go- 
low  nfal, 
i  rvastCy 
mth  the 


i*y  was 
claims 
",  verse 
o  Jero- 
nspired 
el:  the 


Whether  authorized  by  the  king  or  not,  Ainaziah 
proceeds  to  forbid  the  pr,)phet  to  preach  any  more 
such  doctrine  at  Bethel : /or  it  is  the  king\s  court: 
verse  12.  Amos  disregarded  the  injunction,  and 
boldly  addressinghimself  to  Amaziah,  said,  verse  IG, 
JSorv,  therefore^  hear  thou  the  word  of  the  Lord. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  example  of  an  inspired 
man  for  introducing,  in  public,  topics  of  discussion 
which  have  a  political  bearing,  together  with  the  re- 
monstrance of  Amaziah  against  the  practice.  We 
venture  to  follow  the  prophet  of  the  Lord.  Nor  is 
this  a  solitary  example  of  the  kind.  Moses,  Samuel, 
Elijah,  Elisha,  Jeremiah,  Daniel,  Paul,  and  John  • 
yea,  all  the  prophets  of  God,  hesitated  not  to  apply 
their  doctrine  to  political  persons  and  events,  when- 
soever a  proper  occasion  presented  itself. 

In  my  humble  opinion,  the  present  condition  of  our 
city  and  our  land  is  such  an  occasion.    It  forces 
upon  our  attenrion  a  practical  question,  which  we 
cannot  entirely  evade.    However  this  war  may  have 
originated,  it  is  a  fact  that  it  exists,  and  that  we  feel 
Its  pressure.  This  city  is  threatened,  and  many  parts 
of  our  country  are  already  invaded  by  a  powerful 
foe.     Our  husbandmen  are  called  off  from  the  culti- 
vation of  their  fields,  and  our  fellow-citizens  from 
their  several  occupations,  in  order  to  be  trained  to 
arms,  and  at  tlie  risk  of  their  lives  to  defend  their 
homes.     Our  sons,  our  brothers,  and  our  fathers,  our 
brethren  in  Christ,  who  have  sat  down  with  us  at  the 
*  table,  in  order  to  partake  with  us  in  the  solemnities 


14 


THK    IlIOHT   OF   HISCUfiSINO 


of  our  holy  n-liiirion,  wleep  on  tlic  tented  field,  watcli 
at  <li(!ii-  ])()sl.s  by  night,  or  march  to  the  cannon's 
nioulh,  acting'  their  ])art  in  the  present  contest.  And 
does  not  IJiis  state  of  things  present  to  christians  a 
practical  questu)n?  Is  it  possible  that  it  should  not 
affect  the  conscience  of  every  disciple  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ  ? 


Shall  we,  who  are  yet  permitted  to  meet  together 
in  the  temple,  accompany  our  brethren  who  march 
to  the  battle  with   prayers  for  their   success,   and 
welcome  the  survivors  upon  their  return  home,  both 
to  our  aflections  and  to  the  place  which  they  occu- 
pied among  the  saints ;  or  sliall  we  now   withhold 
from  them,  while  they  brave  the  danger,  both  our 
sympathy  and  our  prayers  for  success ;  and  after- 
wards refuse  to  acknowledge  them  as  regular  mem- 
bers of  the  church  of  God,  or  expel  them  from  her 
communion  as  men  wliohave  unworthily  hired  them- 
selves to  shed  innocent  blood  in  an  unjust  war?  If 
this  war  be  al)solutely  unrighteous,  then  is  it  not  only 
criminal  to  support  it ;  but  also  those  who  do  sup- 
port it,  are  guilty  of  blood,  and  censurable  as  such 
before  the  church. 

I  might  justify  myself,  of  course,  for  considering 
this  subject,  under  existing  circumstances,  upon  the 
ground  of  ecclesiastical  order;  but,  I  choose  rather 
to  rest  my  right  of  introducing  it  into  the  pulpit 
upon  a  broader  basis.  With  this  view,  1  submit  the 
following  proposition. 


PliBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


15 


iJ,  watcli 
cannon's 
st.  And 
istians  a 
ould  not 
>ur  Lord 


together 
3  march 
2SS,  and 
ne,  both 
!y  occu- 
vHhhold 
»oth  our 
d  after- 
ir  mem- 
loin  her 
d  them- 
vvar?  If 
lot  only 
do  siip- 
ag  such 


idering 

)on  the 

rather 

pulpit 

nit  the 


Ministers  have  the  ri^hl  of  discussing  from  the  puU 
pit  those  political  questions  which  affect  christian  mo- 
rals, 

I  prove  this  right—and  remove  objections. 
I.  Prove  that  we  have  such  right. 

The  object  to  be  accomplished  by  our  ministry— 
The  scriptural  history-The  system  of  sacred  pre- 
d,ction-And  the  precepts  which  we  are  commis- 
sioned to  expound,  are  the  sources  of  argumentation 
to  which  I  refer  yoif  in  proof  of  this  claim  of 
right. 

1.  The  object  of  our  ministry  is,  nowhere,  more 
<^iimmar,ly  expressed  than  in  the  words  of  our  Sa- 
viour m  granting,  immediately  before  his  ascension 
into  heaven,  the  apostolical  commission,  Matth.  28 
19.  Go  ye,  therefore,  and  teach  all  nations.  The  word 
m  the  original,   wlilch  we  render  teach,*  signifies 
more  than  the  diffusion  of  knowledge.     It  coliveys 
the  Idea  of  forming  disciples;  and  of  course  includes 
all  that  instruction  in  righteousness,  which  belongs  to 
christians. 

It  is  impossible  without  perversion  of  language  to 
exclude  from  such  instruction  every  thing  which  has 
a  political  bearing.  Ministers  are  authorized  to  go 
throughout  the  worid,  and  thus  instruct  all  nations 


*  Md^tiltvirtcle. 


f<' 


16 


THE    RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSIN*. 


upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  and  Ihe  object  of  theii 
iTiHiistry  cannot  be  said  to  be  completely  accom- 
plished until  nations,  as  such,  shall  have  submitted  to 
the  rule  of  ligliteousness.     Individuals,  indeed,  may 
be  converted,  and  edilied,  and  glorified ;  churches 
may  be  organized,  and  enlarged,  and  comforted  ;  and 
even  bodies  politic   may  experience   some   advan- 
tage from  the  christian  religion :  in  all  these  ir.^tan- 
ces  the  honour  of  the  Deity  is  promoted  oi,  earth  ; 
but  the  object  of  the  ministry  of  the  word  of  God  is 
not  fully  answered  unless  ihe  earth  be  filled  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  glori/  of  the  Lord,  and  all  nations 
made  to  feel  the  influence  if  Christianity.     If  reli- 
gion is  of  any  use  in  this  world,  or  in  the  world  to 
come,  it  is  useful  for  man,  in  every  relation  of  life  : 
and  certainly,  no  christian,  who  seriously  considers 
the  value  of  religion,  to  know,  and  love,  and  serve 
God,  l)y  obeying  in  every  situation  his  command- 
ments, can  continue  to  doubt  the  propriety  of  acting 
religiously  in  the  important  concerns  of  civil  life. 
From  the  obligations  of  the  word  of  God,  no  man  is 
exempt.     Directions  are  addressed  to  the  military  as 
well  as  to  the  clergy.*     It  is  unreasonable  then,  to 
deprive  tlie   ministers  of  religion  of  the  right  of 
speaking  upon  any  subject  whatever,  that  has  respect 
to  sin  and  duty,  or  that  affects  the  moral  conduct  of 
men  and  of  nations.     How   shall   we  ever  realize 
the  hope  inspired  by  these  assertions,  rii^hteousness 
cxallcth   a  nation—The  kingdoms  of  this  world  are 
become  the  kingdoms  of  our  Lordy  if  christian  dc- 


*  Lnkeiii.  14. 


VUHLW    AFFAIRS. 


17 


Tines  have  no  ri^ht  to  apply  the  p.inciples  of  re- 
vealed relii-ion  lo  llie  concerns  of  politic:al  life  ? 

2.    The   scriptural   history    cannot  be  explained 
or  applied    vvithou}    touchinc.   on    political   topics. 
The  sacred  writers  treated  of  the  political  con(  erns 
of  their  own,  and  of  preceding  ages,  and  have  set 
us  the  example.     Deny  us  the  right  of  expressing 
political  sentiujents,  and  of  remarking  upon  national 
conduct  and  events,  and  a  great  part  of  the  sacred 
volume   will    necessarily    remain    unexplai      1   be- 
fore our  eyes,  and  comparatively  useless.     Every 
man,  who   believes  in  the  providence  of  God,  will 
admit  that  all  hue  history  is  worthy  of  attention  as 
a  developement  of  the  divine  government  over  hu- 
man affairs;  as  an  exposition  of  the  principles  of  hu- 
man action ;  and  as  a  record  of  facts  and  events  use- 
ful for  the  direction  of  our  conduct  in  every  situa- 
tion of  life :  and  shall  we  not  be  permitted  to  avail 
ourselves  of  such  aid  in  the  instruction  of  the  seve- 
ral ranks  of  our  liearers  ?  We  are  assured,  by  the  in- 
spired writers,  that  national  concerns  are  made  sub- 
ordinate to  the  interests  of  true  religion:  and,  it  is 
obvious  to  all,  that  there  is  an  intimate  connexion 
between  political  events,  and  the  interests   of  the 
christian  church.     Where,  then,  is  the  propriety  of 
sealing  up  our  lips,  tliat  we  may  not  speak  of  the  di- 
vine  providence,  or  point  out  the  agency  of  our 
Saviour  in  overruling,  for  the  good   of  Zion,   the 
changes  which  take  place  among  the  nations  of  the 
earth .' 

3 


It) 


iilL   liliiHT   OK   lilSCUeSINU 


3.  The  prophecies  of  scripture  can  never  be  ex- 
plained without  political  discussion. 

The  prospective  history  contained  in  the  bible,  as 
well  as  the  narration  of  past  events,  interweaves  the 
story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  empire,  wilh  that  of  the 
church  of  God ;  and  tlie  whole  is  employed  for  the 
purpose  of  instructing  the  saints,  and  of  supporting 
their  hopes  and  benevolent  exertions.    The  educa- 
tion of  believers,  of  wliich  the  bible  is  unquestion- 
ably the  perfect  standard,  cannot  correspond  with 
their  diversified  conditions,  temptations,  and  duties, 
if  all  their  civil  relations  be  excluded  from  consi- 
deration, and  their  pastors  utterly  prohibited  from 
expounding  those  portions  of  scripture  which  exhibit 
mankind  in  their  collective  capacity  and  character. 
Tndividual  man  is  certainly  a  very  interesting  object 
of  attention  and  study.    The  christian,  from  the  first 
moments  of  his  spiritual  life ;  throughout  the  whole 
progress  of  this  his  new  and  better  nature  to  tlie  per- 
fection of  the  man  of  God  ;  in  the  trying  hour  of 
his  separation  from  the  world;  and  in  his  future 
state   of  endless  enjoyment;  furnishes   the  public 
teachers  and  private  members  of  the  church,  with 
abundant  matter  of  useful  discourse  and  reflection  : 
but,  the  social  concerns  of  the  rational  creature,  as 
they  occupy  a  great  portion  of  our  imo;  ^ive  ex- 
ercise to  all  our  powers;  and  affecf  ai   duties 
and  enjoyments ;  must  not  be  forgotten  in  the  ap- 
plication of  the  word  of  truth.,   to  the  moral  part 
of  the  tenants  of  this   world,   who  are  preparing 
Ui^  slie  high  society  which  we  hope  to  enter  when 


POBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


19 


our  pil^imagc  is  finished.     No  man  can  be  permit- 
ted to  explain  (he  prophecies  wtiich  are  already  ac- 
complished,  unless  he  be  allowed  to  apply  the  fact 
to  the   prediction:  ard  for  the  same  reason,  those, 
which  are  now  fulfilling,  or  hereafter  to  be  fulfilled 
cannot  be  pointed  out  to  the  friends  of  leligion    un- 
less we  have  a  right  to  bring  into  view  i^,  our  public 
mmistrations  great  political  events  and  characters 
Let  the  experiment  be  made  upon  the  books,  written 
by  Daniel  and  John,  and  the  truth  of  my  assertion 
will  be  universally  confessed. 

4.  A  more  copious  and  conclusive  argument  in 
support  of  our  right,  to  preach  what  may,  in  a  cer- 
tani  sense,  be  denominated  politics,  is  derived  from 
the  precepts  of  inspiration  which  we  are  required  to 
proclaim  to  the  world.  The  priesCs  lips  should  keep 
knowledge,  and  they  should  seek  the  law  at  his 
mouth,  for  he  is  the  messenger  of  the  Lord  of 
hosts,*  '' 

It  will  not,  1  hope,  be  denied,  that  christian  minis- 
ters have  a  right  to  make  the  commandments  of  their 
God  a  subject  of  discussion.  The  law  is  holy,  and 
the  commandment  holy,  and  Just,  and  good.f  There  is 
I  admit,  some  danger  of  abusing  this  and  every  other 
right  which  we  possess  ;  and  for  such  abuse  we  de- 
serve correction.  In  proportion,  too,  to  the  danger 
of  misrepresenting  the  word  o*  truth,  should  be  our 


*  Mai.  ii.  7. 


tRom.  vii.  12. 


m 


20 


THE    RIGHT   OF    DISCUSsIIvG 


caufion  in  the  selection  and  discussion  of  subjects 
beifore  the  public.    This  caution  is  peculiarly  neces- 
sary for  those  ministers  who  venture  upon  political 
remarks.     Our  own  partialities  are  apl  to  betray  us 
into  error.   The  acuteness  of  an  independent  people, 
alive  to  their  political  interests,  is  waiting  to  detect 
our  aberrations.    A  feverish  sensibility,  inseparable 
from  the  deep  intrigues  of  selfish  policy,  renders  a 
few  incapable  of  hearing  without  misapprehension, 
and  of  speaking  without  misrepresentation.    Some 
have  swerved  from  a  good  conscience,  and  have  turned 
aside  unto  rain  Jangling  ;  desiring  to  be  teachers  of  the 
laiv  ;  understanding  neither  what  they  say  nor  whereof 
they  nfirm.  But  we  know  that  the  law  is  good  if  a  man 
use  it  lawfully*     And  it  is  impossible  to  make  any 
use  of  some  parts  of  the  divine  law,  without  enter- 
ing upon  discussions  that  may  be  termed  political. 
If  I  can  show  to  you,  my  christian  brethren,  from 
this  volume,  by  which  alone  you  are  bound  to  try 
my  ministry  among  you,  that  the  law  of  God  gives 
directions  about  the  several  great  concerns  of  civil 
polHy,  you  will  not  again  call  in  question  my  right, 
to  declare,  from  this  place,  the  duty  required  of  u^'s  in 
relation  to  civil  life.     Bear  with  me,  for  a  little,  and 
I  shall  quote  for  your  inspection  passages,  which 
prescribe  The  mode  of  constituting  civil  riders— The 
character    of  such    as   administer    the  government— 
The  duty  of  the  constituted  authorities— The  conduct 
proper   upon  the  part  of  subjects— pass^iges   which 

*  1  Tim.  i.  5—8. 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


21, 


mprove  them  who  confer  power  improperly^nd 
Ihreaten  magistrates  who  art  unmindful  of  their 
high  obligations. 

AIJ  the^e  are  political  doctrines,  wliicli  the  Gover- 
nor of  the  universe  commands  us  to  teach  to  the 
nations  of  the  earth. 

1.  The  mode  of  constituting  rulers,  is  by  electing, 
to  the  several  departments  of  stale,  suitable  charac- 
ters from  among  the  people  over  whom  thev  are  to 
exercise  authority.     Exod.  xviii.  21.  Thou  shalt  pro- 
vide out   of  all   the  people  able  men,  uwh  as  fear 
God,  men  of  truth,  hating  covetovsness,  and  place  such 
over  them  to  be  rulers.     The  chief  concern  of  a  nation 
in  forming  its  arrangements,  ought  to  be  the  wise 
and  equitable   distribution  of  power  into    proper 
hands.     The  divine  rule  for  doing  this,  now  quoted, 
has  never  been  surpassed.     It  is  adapted  to  every  na- 
tion ;  and  its  excellence  obvious  to  every  man  of 
understanding.      The  prerequisites,  in  a  candidate 
for  power,  are  plainly  stated.     They  are  four,  capa- 
city, piety,  integrity,  and  disinterestedness.     They 
appear,  too,  in  the   order  of  their  relative  impor- 
tance.    First,  capacity-a^/e   men.     The    ignorant, 
ti.e  feeble  the  foolish,  and  the  insane,  are  diLrdei 
as  obviously  unfit  to  bear  office  among  rational  be- 
ings    Second,  piety-.wcA  a. /ear  G^orf.     The  seep- 
ic  the  VICIOUS,  and  the  prof^me,  are  rejected  from 
authority  over  the  accountable  subjects  of  the  di- 
vme  moral  govein.nent.     Third,  integritv-m..  of 


22 


THE   RIGHT   OF   DISCUPSING 


truth.  The  ambitious,  the  dissembler,  and  the  hy- 
pocrite, being  unprincipled,  are  dangerous  and  un- 
worthy of  trust.  Fourth,  disinterestedness — hating 
covetousness.  The  selfish,  and  the  mercenary  man 
would  sacrifice  the  public  good  at  the  shrine  of  an 
individual  servant. 

The  general  maxim  of  polity,  from  which  all  these 
directions  flow,  is,  that  no  provisions  of  a  constitution 
of  government,  however  wisely  adopted,  can  pre- 
serve the  liberties  and  promote  the  good  of  society., 
unless  they  be  administered  by  suitable  officers. 
Measuresy  the  object;  and,  for  their  sakes,  proper 
men.  In  this  view,  I  consider  as  correct,  the  decla- 
ration of  a  great  parliamentary  orator,  "  How  vain 
then,  how  idle,  how  presumptuous  is  the  opinion, 
that  laws  can  do  every  thing '  and  how  weak  and 
pernicious  the  maxim  founded  upon  it,  that  mea- 
sures, not  men,  are  to  be  attended  to  !"* 

2.  The  character,  to  be  supported  by  those  who 
are  in  power  in  any  commonwealth,  is  expressly  pre- 
scribed, 2  Sam.  xxiii.  3.  The  God  of  Israel  said — 
He  that  ruhth  over  men  must  he  just  j  ruling  in  the  fear 
of  God. 

If  government  be  instituted  for  the  good  of  the 
community,  and  not  for  the  pleasure  of  an  in- 
dividual, as  the  divine  law  declares  and  common 
sense  admits,  provision  ought  to  be  made  for  the 

*  Fox's  Hist.  Phil.l 808,  page  14, 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


23 


speedy  removal  of  a  public  servant  who  is  unwor- 
thy of  the  trust  reposed  in  him.    The  law  must  of 
course  be  applied  to  his  character  during  the  whole 
period  of  his  continuance  in  oliice.     If  he  cannot 
Dear  the  test,  a  more  worthy  personage  ought  to  be 
^^elected  in  order  to  occupy  in  his  room.     In  vain 
would  the  divine  law  appoint  a  criterion,  unless  it 
were  proper  to  dispossess  the  occupant  who  could 
not  endure  its  application.     The  constitution  of  go- 
vernment, which  requires  base  men,  or  those  other- 
wise  disqualified  for  the  duties  of  a  high  station,  to 
contmue  in  power  for  life,  is  on  that  very  account 
inconsistent  with  the  bible.    The  criterion  specified 
m  the  passage  before  you,  is  both  obvious  and  of 
easy  application.    It  is  twofold-justness  to  men,  and 
reverence  for  their  Creator.    He  that  ruleth  over  men--. 
moral  agents  united  by  social  ties,  during  the  time 
he  continues  in  power,  must,  of  necessity,  exhibit 
these  qualifications.    If  he  he  unjust  to  men,  these 
men  ought,  for  their  own  sakes,  to  dispossess  him 
and  if  lie  have  no  respect  for  the  Creator,  men,  ac- 
countable to  him  who  is  worthy  of  esteem  and  fear 
ought,  in  testimony  of  their  allegiance  to  the  almigh- 
ty Governor  of  nations,  to  remove  from  influence  and 
honour  the  despiser  of  his  name  and  law. 

3.  It  is  required  of  the  constituted  authorities  of  a 

nation,   that  they  officially  recognize  the  christian 

religion,  and  cherish  the  interests  of  the  church  of 

Jesus  Christ.     Psalm  ii.  10,  12.  Be  rvise,  now,  there- 

.fore,  O  ye   kings ;   be   instructed,  ye  judges  of  the 


24 


THE   RIGHT   OF    DISCU&'SINU 


|;i : 


earth.     Serve  the  Lord  with  fear — Kiss  the  Son  lest 
he  be  angry. 

As  it  is  the  will  of  God,  declared  in  the  constitu- 
tion of  human  nature  and  in  the  circumstances  of 
human  life,  as  well  as  in  the  scriptures,  that  men 
should  associate  under  suitable  regulations,  he  pre- 
scribes for  those,  who  frame  and  execute  laws  in  a 
commonwealth  so  formed,  their  duty  in  relation  to 
himself  their  sovereign  Lord,  almighty  Protector,  and 
omniscient  Judge.  It  is  their  wisdom  to  comply — to 
hear,  understand,  and  obey  his  divine  injunctions, 
revealed  in  the  christian  religion. 

4.  The  course  of  conduct,  becoming  the  subjects 
of  such  equitable  and  righteous  rulers,  is  also  pointed 
out,  and  the  reason  upon  which  it  is  founded,  is  con- 
nected with  the  precept.  Rom.  xiii.  1,  5,  6.  Let 
every  soul  be  subject  unto  the  higher  powers  ;  for  there 
is  no  power  but  of  God:  the  powers  that  be  are  or- 
dained of  God.  Wherefore  ye  must  needs  be  subject, 
not  only  for  wrath  but  fo'r  conscience'  sake.  For  this 
'auscy  pay  ye  tribute  also :  for  they  are  God's  minis- 
ters attending  continually  on  this  very  thing. 

The  duty  specified  is  conscientious  submission: 
that  submission  to  be  expressed  by  obedience  to  the 
law,  and  the  punctual  payment  of  such  sums,  as  are 
required  for  the  maintenance  of  public  credit,  and 
the  support  of  the  government.  The  reasons  annex- 
ed are  sufficiently  forcible.     The  rulers  of  the  na- 


I  s  mims- 


PUBLIC   AFFATR?.  ^5 

vi;^ht;  """'^'"^'  ''"^"^'"^  -"«"-"^  on  th^ 

tures.  very  eadl/u„d      l^f '' Vh?;,"  '\^/"'> 
constitutions,   and   the  eIec«on  Jnffl  '""  "' 

work  of  the  community    and  th„  '  "''  "'^ 

authori!;  :;f  pXer  e~  Vf -.i'^  "''"  '"="" 

-•-*  '^^/'-  -•-!"  wr:::7£^-' 
i.is'di2:xsr',:;rr'^^  "™^''^-  -'" 

t--n  governments:  oher:Leir,"'""/"''  '"^'"■ 
principles.  Hos.  viii.  ^7.3  1"'^  I"^  '"'"■'" 
tte  Ihmg  that  is  ^n,„l.  a  *"'*  ""'  # 

prmces,  and  I  knen,  it  m.  Now  im  i  '?  7* 

«»«•««.•«.,,  a,.d  vini  thnr  sins  '"'"'  "^" 


Wx 


26 


THE   RIGHT   OF    DISCUSSING 


;,l  I 


In  <his  chapter,  the  sin  of  creating  and  maintaining^ 
an  imuioral  system  of  civil  polity  is  connected  with 
that  of  an  abuse  of  religion.  It  was  the  crime  of  Is- 
rael, as  well  as  of  other  nations,  both  ancient  and 
modern,  to  couph  together  an  abuse  of  religion  and 
government  into  one  complex  system  of  impiety 
and  misrule.  This  has  always  been  effected  by  the 
evil  management  of  designing  men,  who  availed  them- 
selves of  the  ignorance,  the  apathy,  and  the  vices  of 
the  people  at  large,  in  order  to  promote  their  own 
schemes  of  ambition.  But  these  are  not  alone  in  the 
blame.  The  Lord  in  his  word  declares  the  whole 
€omnmnity  guilty,  and  threatens  them  with  deserved 
punishment.  His  providence  is  a  continual  com- 
mentary upon  the  declaration,  and  a  constant  execu- 
tion of  the  threatening.  The  body  of  a  nation  suf- 
fers under  bad  government.  The  fad  cannot  be  dis- 
puted. The  justness  of  this  measure  is  easily  shown. 
The  population  of  a  country  have  the  power.  They 
cajij  if  they  will,  pull  down,  build  up,  alter,  and 
amend  the  system  of  social  order.  AVhen  they  sub- 
mit to  thrones  of  iniquity  which  frame  mischief  bi/ 
larvy  their  condition  is  not  merely  a  state  of  suffering 
which  we  may  pity,  but  also  a  fault  which  we  are  to 
blame.  If  through  neglect  or  discord,  they  do  not 
co-operate  in  reform,  suffer  they  justly  must.  Shall 
not  the  Judge  of  all  the  earth  do  right  1 

6.  Civil  rulers  who  neglect  their  duty,  and  abuse 
their  power,  are  also  threatened  with  divine  judg- 
ments. Psalm  xciv.  20.  23.  Shall  the  throne  of  ini- 
quity havefeliottshij)  with  thee,  which  frameth  mischief 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


27 


by  a  law  1  He  shall  bring  upon  them  their  own  iniqui- 
ty, and  shall  cut  them  off  in  their  own  wickedness  ;  yea, 
the  Lord  our  God  shall  cut  them  off. 

Iniquity  is  displeasing  to  the  Lord,  because  it  is 
contrary  to  his  nature.  The  splendour  of  human  great- 
ness, and  the  pomp  of  human  power,  although  they 
dazzle  our  eyes  and  impose  upon  our  credulity,  will 
not  prevent  him  from  judging  righteously ;  and  the 
greatness  of  the  mischief,  consequent  upon  the  trans-, 
gressions  of  men  in   power,    instead   of  screening 
them  from  detection,  will  increase  their  condemna- 
tion.   Elevated  as  the  higher  ranks  of  life  are  above 
the  censures  of  the  community,  and  unrestrained  as 
IS  then-  consequent  indulgence  in  crime,  they  can- 
not escape  with  impunity  from  him  who  refuses  fel- 
lowship with  them  in  their  illegitimate  authority 
«  Hath  he  said,  and  shall  he  not  do  it  ?  or  hath  he 
spoken,  and  shall  he  not  make  it  good?"* 

In  these  judgments,  which  are  inflicted  upon  those 
who  neglect  to  rule  according  to  the  principles  of 
the  moral  law,  however  heavy  they  fall,  christians, 
so  far  as  they  are  influenced  by  scriptural  advice 
and  example,  will  readily  acquiesce.  O  Lord,  thou 
hast  ordained  them  for  judgment;  and,  O  mighty 
God,  thou  hast  established  them  for  correction.  Thou 
art  of  purer  eyes  than  to  behold  evil,  and  canst  not  look 
on  iniquity.f 


Numb,  xxiii.  19. 


tHab.i.  12,13, 


I':  I 

i 


!:.|, 


ss 


THB    RigHT   OF    PISCUyHIAG 


From  this  collation,  of  passages  selected  from  the 
standard  of  our  faith  and  practice,  and  embracing  the 
whole  theory  of  civil  polity,  you  will  readily  per- 
ceive  the  force  of  my  argument  in  support  of  the 
right  which  I  now  claim.  If  the  divine  law  be  the 
rule  of  our  christian  ministry,  and  the  scriptures  be 
the  bond  of  connexion  between  pastor  and  people, 
then  have  I  shown  tlie  authority,  under  which  I  act 
in  mtroducing  this  discussion,  to  be  perfectly  com- 
petent. 

I  claim  the  pi  ivilege  of  explaining  the  law  of  my 
Ood.    I  claim  it,  too,  not  mereli/  as  a  privilege,  which 
I  am  at  liberty  to  use.    It  is  not  even  optional  to  the 
munsters  of  religion  whether  to  use  it  or  not:  they 
are  bound  by  their  public  instructions,  as  ambassa- 
dors for  Christ,  to  raise  a  voice  which  shall  reach  to 
both  the  cottage  and  the  throne,  and  teach  their  se- 
veral occupants  their  lespective  duties.    «  Go  " said 
our  arisen  Lord  to  his  ministers,  when  handing  to 
them  tlieir  commission,  «  disciple  all  nations,  teaching 
them  to  observe  all  things  whatsoever  I  have  command^ 
ed  your    We  must,  my  brethren,  in  order  to  be 
faithful  to  our  exalted  employer,  have  it  in  ourpow- 
er  to  say  upon  a  review  of  our  ministry,  after  an  ex- 
ample of  approved  excellence,  «  I  have  not  shunned 
to  declare  unto  you  the  whole  counsel  of  God^^^ 

|I,  Remove  Objections, 

*  Acts  XX.  27. 


from  (he 
acing  llie 
dily  per- 
■  i  of  the 
V  be  the 
)tures  be 
people, 
ich  I  act 
tly  com- 


w  of  my 
e,  which 
al  to  the 
3t:  they 
unbassa- 
reach  to 
their  se- 
?o,"  said 
iding  to 
teaching 

r  to  be 
ur  pow- 
r  an  ex- 
shunned 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS.  gO 

citizens  of  the  commonwealth,  and  as  interpreters 
of  e  oracles  of  God.  to  express  their  sentime'  ,s  on 
poll  .eaJ  subjects,  who,  nevertheless,  deem  it  inexpe" 

efts  1  T'        ^'™'"'"^"'*  -ore  importan't  Ob- 
jects of  the,r  ministry;  personal  timidity,  lest  they 

provoke  d^respect and  opposition;  chri.^„  tetlS 

heTr'e      aid'-         "'"  """""  "'"  '"^""S^  "'  «  P'""^ 
hearer,  and  in  some,  perhaps,  a  sense  of  their  o«.n 

ncompetency,  or  an  ignoble  pnsillanimi.v,  p  event 
the  ministers  of  religion  generally  from  introd  :  „"' 

from  the  exercise  of  this  right,  let  chris.ian  pastora 
use  their  o«-n  discretion :  1  am  „i||i„g  to  admit    ha" 

reasonings.   The  following  summary  comprehends  all 
e  arguments,  with  which  I  am  acquainrd,  "ga  nt 
tl.e  right  of  introducing  politics  to  the  pulpi;.^ 

discLlL-ltl  "  T  "T"  ^^'"'^  of  ministerial 
th  s  world  M.'"^r  "^'^^  ^'"^^'"'''  '^  "<"  of 
of  lirh  ^T  ""''  ''""  '^'  ^"'-^  of  souls  and  not 
of  the  bodily  estate-Gospel  hearers  are  dividedTn 
political  opimons-Political  remarks  are  un  a  our 
We  to  devotion— Preachers  ar..  h:,,  "  :,""'^- 
usually  opposed  to  civil  liberty  """""'"■    """ 

I  proceed,  to  the  examination  of  these  obiection^ 
«Mh  a  conlidence  that,  without  injury  to  the  Mn^ 


30 


THE    RIGHT   OF    DlSCUSSIiXO 


of  any  candid  mind,  T  shall  be  able  to  prove  them 
invalid. 


^■i  11' 


1.  Objection.  "Christ  and  him  crucified  is  the 
proper  theme  of  pulpit  discussion ;  and,  therefore,  it 
is  improper  to  introduce  political  co  cerns." 

In  examining  this  objection,  I  joyfully,  as  well  as 
readily,  admit  ihe  precious  truth  contained  in  the  as- 
sertion upon  which  the  argument  is  supposed  to  rest. 
With  my  hand  upon  my  heart,  I  repeat,  in  your 
ears,  the  words  of  the  great  evangelizer  of  the  Gen- 
tiles, *'  For  /  determined  not  to  know  any  thing 
among  you,  save  Jesus  Christ  and  him  crucified."* 
And  from  that  determination,  if  I  ever  recede,  let 
my  tongue  cleave  to  the  roof  of  my  mouth.i 

This  declaration,  however,  neither  supports  the 
objection,  nor  excludes  from  the  pulpit  the  duties  of 
civil  life.  We  are  not  to  confine  our  ministry  to  the 
mere  words  «  Christ  crucified."  The  doctrines  of  the 
cross  must  be  inculcated.  We  are  not  to  confine  our 
discussion  to  the  fact  of  Christ's  death ;  but  must 
preach  of  his  person,  his  covenant,  his  mission,  his 
work,  his  power,  his  providence,  and  his  law ;  and 
that  law,  in  its  application  to  man  in  his  social  as 
well  as  individual  capacity. 

The  apostle  Paul  himself,  who  first  employed  the 
words  referred  to,  understood  them  in  this  latitude. 


*  1  Cor.  ii.  2. 


t  Psalm  cxxxvii.  G. 


The 
liglit  o 
ner;  a] 
earth,  g 
cease  Wi 
lowing 
sion  to 
the  apoi 
the  chie 

That 

the  intrc 

we  estee 

jection  j 

doctrine 

separate* 

directly 

regulatec 

therefore 

you,  save 

duce  intc 

vite  you 

your  pol 

mend  in 

J'^ove  the  I 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS.  3j 

He  inculcated  the  doctrines  of  grace.    Ih  ..rochim- 
ed   .he  dutie.  of    domestic  am.  of  ciW     ifi      /"^ 

The  prophets,  who  preceded  Paul,  in  ditTusin..  (he 

earti.  ,1      r     '.^^   '"'"''^"^  "•''^"  ''«  "PPeared  on 

|2T    t         """  '"  '''''""^'"*  "'  Jerusalem.     Pol- 
ow,ng  the,r  example  we,  too,  would  give  this  JZ- 

Zl  7  ""T''  "  '•""'  "P*""  "•«  '■"""""'ion  of 
he  apostles  and  prophets,  Jesus  Christ  himself  being 
me  cftiel  corner-stone. 

That  very  reason,  which  the  objector  urges  again., 
•he  .n  troducfon  into  the  pulpit  of  political  rema  1, 
we  esteem  as  an  argument  in  it.  Lour.     iTe  ol^ 
.leclion  proceeds  upon  the  principle,  that  the  gospel 
doctnne    the  christian  religion,  is  to  be  perpeSlv 
separated  from  the  polity  of  nations ;  we  Jo  u'^o,  t^^^ 
directly  opposite  principle,  that  civil  rulf  should  be 
•egulated  by  the  maxims  of  christian  law.     Seein. 
herefore,  that  we  determined  to  know  nothing  among 

du  riril-'f""*"""  »'™"--fi-'i  we  int™^ 
duce  mto  th,s  place  our  political  sentiments,  and  in- 

vnl.^'""r  •"  ?""^^  ''^  ""^  ^"^^'''«»"  "f  t™<l'.  all 
>ou.  political  maxims  and  actions.     Let  us  recom- 
mend ,n  the  same  breath,  religious  and  civil  duty 
Uu  the  hrolhcrhood-Fmr  God-Honour  th  Ki,Ji 

is ' 


*  I  Pet.  ii.  1 


I. 


r/ 


32 


THK    RIGHT   OP   DlSCUaSIIfe 


2.  Objection.  "  The  kingdom  of  the  Redeemer 
ig  not  of  this  world ;  and  therefore  the  ministers  of 
the  Hedeemer  should  not  interfere  with  the  king- 
doms of  this  world." 


Far  be  it  from  me  to  deny  the  truth  of  the  maxim 
with  which  this  objection  commences.    It  is  a  part  of 
that  good  confession,  which  the  faithful  and  true  wit- 
ness made  before  the  Roman  deputy,  who  exercised 
over  subjugated  Palestine,  the  iron  sway  of  the  Cae- 
sars.    Pontius  Pilate,  agitated  by  a  consciousness  of 
the  innocence  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  of  his  own  guilt, 
and  labouring  to  devise  means  for  delivering  th« 
Tictim  of  .Jewish  malevolence  without  risking  his  own 
popularity,  proposed,  from  the  Judgment-seat,  which 
he  so  unworthily  filled,  the  question.  Art  thou  the 
king  of  the  Jews  J  Jesus  answered,  My  kingdom  is  not 
of  this  world*    He  admitted  that  he  was  a  king: 
He  bore  witness  unto  the  truth ;  and  the  iruth  i?, 
that  he  is  King  of  kings— higher  than  the  kings  of  the 
earth.f  How  then  are  we  to  understand  the  assertion, 
"  my  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world  ?"     In  its  most 
obvious  meaning.  His  power  is  from  a  higher  source. 
It  is  of  God.     It  is  not  fiom  the  election  of  the  peo- 
ple, nor  the  appointment  of  the  Emperor.    It  is  Je- 
hovah, who  said  to  him.  Sit  thou  at  my  right  hand— 
Rule  thou  in  the  midst  of  thine  enemies.     Ask  of  me, 
and  I  shall  give  thee  the  heathen  for  thine  inheritance, 
and  the  uttermost  parts  of  tie  earth  for  thy  possession.t 
If,  therefore,  his  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  it  is 


* 


Joha  xviii.  33,  36.    f  Psalm  Ix xxix.  27.    J  Paalm  ii.  8. 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


3J 


of  God:  it  is  o..r  the  world :  The  Lord  hath  prepare 
edhis  thrane  in  the  heavens,  and  his  kingdom  rulelh 
over  alt.* 

So  far.  then  from  furnishing  an  objection  against 
the  claim  of  nght  which  we  make,  is  this  principle, 
that  .1  m  fact  establishes  it  beyond  all  dispute  The 
kingdom  of  Christ  is  of  God,  over  the  nations,  ther«- 
fore  we  apply  the  Ia,vs  of  that  kingdom  to  the  na- 

Claim  of  Satan,  though  termed  the  god  of  this  norld. 
to  the  sovereignty  orer  the  nations  ;  but  shall  endea- 
vour to  rescue  them  from  the  dominion  of  the  usur- 
per, and  restore  tliem  in  allegiance  to  their  lawful 
governois  "  the  prince  of  the  kingsof  the  earth."  The 
feaviour  hunseli;  when  the  adversary  tempted  him. 
by  a  requisition  of  homage,  and  an  olfer  of  power 
over  the  world,  refused  both  the  demand,  and  the 
gift,  because  worship  is  due  only  unto  God;  and 
Irom  God  himself,  the  Rede  -nerhad  already  obtain- 
ed all  power  over  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth.    The 

ctr '      ?"t"  '■" '""  "•''''••    ^'"•'«'--  "-  con! 

h  .^he  k-ngdom  of  Christ  is  not  of  hut  over 

this  world.    The  ministers  of  Christ  have  therefore! 
right  to  treat  of  all  the  moral  concerns  of  humanL! 

3.  Oljection.     «  As  ministers  have  the  care  of 
*ouls.  and  not  of  the  bodily  estate  of  men,  they 

*  Psalm  ciii.  19. 


5 


m 


'/! 


.14 


lltK    liKillT   OV    t)lM!|i.ShlK<i 


hIjouM  iiol  ho  |H>riuilloil  to  trcut  ul'  i\t\y  eUiopt  ipi 
rihiul  Nul»jrc'ts." 

Tlir  m«MU  romvin  of  rviM'V  mislor  w!io  is  fiuilir».. 
<o  1Im>  |m><)|»I«>  wliom  lio  koivoh,  is  In  iVnl  llir  lUuk  ol' 
(io«l  with  kn<)\vl(Ml^(>  nixl  uiMiorsdiiuliiii;.  It  is  mind 
tliut  niakivs  (ho  inmi ;  aiut  iho  inloivst  of  o\m  soul  iw 
iuoM>  (o  ho  sought  ixWvv,  Uvviwisv,  in  irulity,  morn 
Vi\iin\UU\  (linn  ihv  wholo  world.  1  know  that  the 
<>raoh»s  of  (u»d  inlorni  vmmi,  who  hoar  th<»  gospol, 
that  (hr»  rulois  of  Israol  tvatrh Jhr  your  soitfs,  as  they 
that  m\isi  ij^'ivr  areouut.*  Wo  to  \\\r  unl'aithrni  pastor 
who  loinots  tho  souls  of  uion,  or  lotuses  to  niini»itei 
to  (hoir  odilioation. 


*riio  inipiovoniriit  of  mind,  howtnor,  dors  not  it- 
*iui«i>  tlu*  nouU'<  t  ot  tho  body.  'Thoso  oonstitut  nt* 
of  livini>  man,  an»  intimatt  l,v  oonnootod  by  a  divine 
liand.  lU)th  woiv  a.^sunuHl  '  >  th«>  Saviour,  and  it?- 
doon»od  h\  his  Mood.  In  both,  wo  4>;h>rify  (Jod  on 
oarth.  an«l  shall  rnj»>y  hiiu  in  hoavtMi.  Thr  niatorial 
world  is  on  abMl  tor  tlu>  sako  of  tho  moral ;  and  it 
is  uplu  Id  by  iMossiah  (or  tho  sako  of  nnoaliuif  hiss 
porfootions,  in  tho  salvation  of  mon.  iMattor  itsoH, 
♦hoi>i  fiMv,  n»ay  Ih>  n^forird  to  in  «»ur  ministry ;  and 
iistdul  It  marks,  upon  it.s  natuiv  and  its  laws,  may, 
without  inourrinn  the  blamo  of  injurinj>  tho  rauso  of 
spirituality,  Ih^  intorwt>von  with  pi:ipit  oxliibitions. 
l\>litios  ivspoot  not  (ho  lH>dily  ostato  only,  or  «  von 
prinoipally.    Thoy  atUot  mind,  morals,  pioty,  com- 

*  Heb.  \iii.  I T. 


ri'HLir  ArFAiKj. 


3:i 


lort.  nnd  duty.    S.i  far  na  fhc^y  <lo  so.  i\uy  may  come 
mulvv  loviow.   U  is  not  u,  soHlo  Hit;  claims  ioi  empire, 
lo  define  «vo«ra|)liical  lumiidarit's,  or  to  adjust  tlij 
♦•oulcndiuKs  of  liuuiaii   auddtiou  ;  but   in  order  to 
Hid  (he  chrisliiiii  in  maintaining  a  conscience  void  of 
otUncG  towards  (iod  and  man,  that  we  w<Kdd  ever 
introduce  the  subject  into  tiie  public  worshi,)  of  <H,r 
Ciod.    In  order  to  promote  the  «ood  of  souls,  and  not 
with  the  design  of  iiiminisliing  ytmr  spiritual-minded- 
nos«,  weur^e  this  duty,  that,  with  spiritual  views  of 
polilical  movements,  you  may  intermin^de  with  (ho 
world  ;  (hat  nhatsofvcr  ye  do,  nhdlur  qe  cat  oi  drink, 
i/c  may  do  all  to  Ihv  ^hry  of  (iod*     All  things,  not 
«>xc<>p(ini.  politital  evenis,  are  for  your  sakes.     The 
whole  of  (he  nations  are  subordinate  to  the  churcii. 
the  spiri(ual   spouse  <d'  Immanuel.     J  am  the  Lord 
Ihy  (iod.  tlu  holt/  one  of  Israel,  thi/  f^arionr :   I  gave 
Eififpt  for  thy  ransom,  Ethiopia  and  ISelm  for  thee. 
KSifue  thou  tiast  preeions  in  my  siaht,  thou  hast  heen 
honourahle,  and  I  have  loved  thee  ;  therefore  will  I  give 
mm  for  thee,  and  people  for  thy  life.f 

The  Judicious  minister  will  weiiih,  in  the  balance 
of  the  sanctuary,  every  subjecl,  for  the  purpose  of 
detornunin.i(  i(s  importance,  lie  will  rarely  enter 
upon  polilical  topics.  He  will  never  desJend  to 
queslions  of  mere  parly :  but  there  are  times  in 
which  he  ought  not  to  be  silent,  respecting  (he  con- 
iluct  of  nations,  or  of  christians  in  their  civil  cana- 
«itv.  ' 


I 


1  Cor.  X.  31. 


I  isa.  xliii.  U,  4. 


30 


THE   RIGHT   OF   DISCUSSIKU 


4.  Objection.  «  Gospel-hearers  are  usually  so  di- 
vided, on  political  subjects,  thai  ministers  ought  not 
to  give  offence  by  expressing  their  own  opinions." 

Christians  are,  alas,  divided  :  and  the  pride  of  opin- 
ion in  their  distracted  state,  does  much  mischief.  It 
is  the  policy  of  the  mere  men  of  this  world  to  keep 
them  divided ;  and  the  god  of  this  world  triumphs 
in  their  want  of  unanimity  and  cordiality.  If  chris- 
tians did  uniformly  co-operate,  Satan's  servants  and 
kingdom  could  not  prosper.  But  the  professors  of 
religion  are  divided,  not  about  politics  only ;  every 
doctrine  of  Christianity,  every  article  of  ecclesiastical 
order,  has  been  a  subject  of  dispute  and  contention. 
Are  not  the  ambassadors  of  Chi  it,  at  liberty  to 
preach  disputed  doctrines,  and  enforce  any  particu- 
lar discipline  or  rule,  even  although  some  professed 
christians  should  withhold  their  assent  ?  Certain  pub- 
lic teachers,  may,  indeed,  esteem  it  convenient  to  act 
upon  this  maxim,  and  never  support  any  one  system 
of  doctrine  or  of  order.  These  are  not  the  exam- 
ples of  our  ministry.  Evangelical  truths,  I  know, 
are  more  important,  infinitely  more  important,  than 
the  common  causes  of  party  contention  in  politics ; 
therefore  they  require  the  more  attention.  When 
occasion  requires,  however,  the  mere  fact,  that  men 
are  of  different  politics,  ought  not  to  prevent  the 
application  of  the  word  of  God  to  their  disputes. 
Political  morality  is  essential  to  Christianity. 

Am  I  told,  that  this  will  do  no  good :  that  it  will 
only  give  oflence :  that  it  will  alienate  the  affections 


I'UBLIC   A.FAIMS. 


37 


of  one  set  of  politicians  from  the  pastor:  that  it  will 
mmse  YVho  makes  these  assertions?  Men  who 
are  full  of  violence,  and  determined  to  execute  th! 

i^rfun  ti"  '"f.^-^^-f  ."Xdutri  w 
learlessly  lun  this  risk.     I  will  try  whether  !„  yi.:. 

■beral  age,  the  candid  investigation  of  tt  ."bj 
before  me.  without  ungenerous  allusion  or  invect  v 
W1.I  create  me  personal  enemies.     I  will  make   ht* 
e.penn.nt  whether  it  be  possible  for  a  ymfnlt 
of  religion  to  prefer  the  cause  of  his  country  to  tto 

ot  party  spi  it.     If  I  .ufffer,  I  am  prepared  for  it  • 
but  I  do  not  expect  any  such  treatment.    Men  of 
rf  fferent  religious  sentiments  hear  without  pasln 
the  same  sermon.     Are  they,  then,  more  concernej 
about   political  than   religious  truth,    and  dispos 
ed  to  resent  a  difference  of  opinion  o^  that  subTec 
n  re  than  on  subjects  relative  to  their  eternal  h  I'e  r 
ests     I  cannot,  as  yet.  admit  this  to  be  the  case      I 
confidently  indulge  the  hope,  that  there  is  Zi  li 
be^^ality,  among  those    who   attend    upon   "li; 
ordinances,  than  to  deny  to  us  the  right,  which  th^^ 
exerc,se  themselves,  of  forming  each  hs  own  senlf 
ments,  on  political  morality,  and  of  i„odestly?xr, 
mg  them  to  the  world.  ^     ^ 


VVe  presume  not  to  prescribe  for  you.  We  do 
no  dictate  to  you  in  the  choice  of  public  officers 
We  allow  you  to  judge  for  yourselves.     VVe  only 

and, 


^-"   .w   juu^ti  lor  yourselves, 
require  of  you  a  sig.ilar  permission  for 


I 


us 


38 


THE    UIOHT   OF    DISCUSSING 


upon  this  subject,  while  we  cautiously  avoid  the 
use  of  intemperate  language,  we  have  only  to  ask, 
that  you  do  justice  to  our  arguments,  and  to  the  mo- 
tives with  which  they  are  oflered. 

5.  Objection.  "  Political  remarks  are  unfavour- 
able to  devotion;  and  therefore  unsuitable  to  the 
pulpit." 

In  endeavouring  to  obviate  this  objection,  I  feel  as 
if  1  had  to  encounter  the  most  difficult  task  which 
my  subject  imposes  upon  me.  The  devotional  feel- 
ings of  many  professed  christians  are  so  feeble,  and 
have  so  little  foundation  in  moral  principle,  that  they 
are  readily  deranged  or  removed.  Others,  who 
have  learned  only  the  rudiments  of  religion,  seldom 
consider  it  in  any  other  light  than  as  matter  of  men- 
tal comfort  to  an  individual,  without  having  any 
relation  to  their  improvement  and  usefulness  as 
members  of  society.  As  they  would  give  their  at- 
tention to  the  things  of  time,  uninfluenced  by  chris- 
tian principles,  they  may  wish  to  lix  in  the  sanctua- 
ry their  attention  upon  the  concerns  of  eternity, 
without  anv  reference  to  a  general  reformation  of 
either  church  or  state.  It  is  ever  to  be  expected, 
that  those,  who  are  unwilling  to  consider  religiously 
their  political  concerns,  will  be  as  unwilling  to  be- 
have religiously  iii  their  political  transactions. 

This  is  the  way  to  produce  a  separation  between 
the  two  subjects.  And  yet  the  separation  cannot  be 
complete,  unless  all  christians  are  secluded  from 


!f  I 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


39 


every  concern  in  national  politics  •  inrl  fh«  .  .• 
™a„age.e„t  devolved  ..on^l:  'Z  It  LiZ 
<  .npted  o  think  of  the  bible,  as  the  rul  o.  of 
piety,  as  the  principle,  according  to  which  c  vll  ans 
.hould  act :  and  where  would  this  end  •  buMnl 
transferor  the  undivided  n.anage™  „"«  ^  .U,! 
fairs  into  the  hands  of  infidels.  ""'onal  al- 

io I^  ^17'^^"  "*■ '"'  "^'"^''O"'  "W'e  it  appear. 
to  proceed  from  spiritual-.nindedness,  is  near  of  kTn 
to  the  unenlightened  devotion  of  the  reclu     or  fhe 

1   uTe'  SnTl'™"'""'  -"W -to  a  >ife  of  o! 
itude.     It  approaches  monastic  holiness  more  than 
the  p,ety  of  Abraham,  of  Elijah,  of  Daniel  of  PauT 
and  of  John  the  Divine.     These  were  m^„  ./     ? 
The,  taught,  and  the,  practised  tZ^Ts  ^S- 

that  f  •  ;T'''  """  '"  "^■•'  ""hout  thinkin. 

that  it  injured  devotion :  and  even    «,  ,l„      •   ,   ^ 

t^^^Lor^s  .„,,  the  beloved  dilS"        ^d  "" 
his  arisen  Lord,  to  writs  ^r  ,u  .      f"*^"  "X 

changes  of  empire!  °^  ''''  ^°'"*"'""S''   ='"'1 

Believe  me,  brethren,  if  our  religion  is  of  the  riVht 
description,  and  exists  in  o  «„  ^  " 

certainly  be  enabled  ,  '^  T'  '"^'™''^'  "^  ^''«" 

of  God'^^n  a    human  aff  """"'r''  '"'  P'"^'"-^- 

ev.l  passions  of  worldly  politician,  ,f  "'|*""?  "'« 
ever  that  I  f»->i     .  ,u     i'"""'^"""-    t  confess,  how- 

Tnt  ,  •  '  "■"  '"'"*  ''"«'■  <■'"■  the  infirmities 
0  the  weak;  and  should  be  disposed  to  avo  d  anv 
thing  that  might  have  a  tendency'to  mar  their  Lb,e 


i& 


THE    HIOHT   Ol     JJISCUSSING 


Jl" 


devotion,  did  not  duty  require  of  tlie  ambassadors 
of  Clirist,  to  apply  the  law  of  their  God  to  all 
questions  of  practical  morality. 

6.  Objection.  "  Preachers  are  usually  dictato- 
rial, and  opposed  to  the  religious  and  civil  liberties 
of  men.  It  is  painful  to  be  under  the  necessity  of 
publicly  eontradictin/?"  ^^f'm,  and  li  is  therefore  bet- 
ter for  them  to  omit  ?ai  remarks  in  the  pul- 
pit." 

The  habit  of  public  speaking  without  danger  of 
interruption,  or  immediate  opposition  to  the  decla- 
rations which  they  make,  as  it  is  required  by  the  re- 
spect due  to  devotional  exercises,  and  enjoyed  by  the 
ministers  of  religion,  is  calculated  to  cherish,  upon 
their  par'  i  decision  of  expression,  which  may  bor- 
der upon  the  dogmatic.  It  is  probable,  nevertheless, 
that  the  pulpit  orator,  is,  usually,  as  far  removed 
from  Uiis  extreme,  as  the  members  of  the  senate,  or 
the  gentlemen  of  the  bar.  A  man  of  mind,  convin- 
ced himself  of  tho  truth  of  his  assertions,  will,  hr 
any  situation,  speak  with  an  air  of  confidence ;  but 
there  is  no  necessity  of  his  treating  with  contumely 
the  sentiments  of  such  as  think  differently  from  him : 
and  it  is  especially  unbecoming  the  pulpit  to  affect 
contempt  for  the  persons  of  men.  If  it  be  a  fact, 
that  a  multitude  of  religious  instructers  are  found 
friendly  to  arbitrary  power  and  to  an  illegitimate 
subserviency  of  church  to  state  polity,  it  is  surely  no 
good  reason  for  preventing  men,  who  understand 
and  value  the  rights  both  of  God  and  man,  from 


PUBLIC    AFFAIRS. 


41 


po  nt,„g  out  the  duty  of  christian,  in  relation  both 

o  ec<le.,a«  ,.al  a„.l  civil  society.     It  i«  „,.,  ,liffi,,„t 

to  account  fo.-  the  fact,  that  so  many  of  the  .sacerdo- 

t     order  have  inclined  ,o  .lespotis.n,  and  yet  show. 

^ ;    f  .  'f  ?    ^'''"'''""  "f  »"^'>  topics  from  ,he 
pulpit  IS  truly  favourable  to  (he  real  liberties  of 

Licentiousness  is  as  remote  from  civil  liberty  as  k 
tyranny  itself     The  righteousness  which   e.x;i,eth 
a  nation,  includes  intelligence  and  public  morality. 
Wo  moral  improvement  can  take  place  without  re- 
gard to  religion :  and  Christianity,  as  opposed  to  in- 
fidelity to  superstition,  and  to  lawless  power,  is  em- 
pha  ica lly  the  religion  of  "  peace  upon  earth,  and  of 
good  will  towards  men."   I,  is  the  religion  of  benevo' 
lence  to  man  as  well  as  piety  towards  God,  and  of 
course  the  only  "  perfect  law  of  liberty."     You  will 
»llow  me  to  add,   that  no  means  wimtever  can  be 
possibly  successful  in  finally  rescuing  from-iisurpa- 
t.on  the  liberties  of  mankind,  and  of  purifying  and 
perpetuating  them,  without  the  aid  of  the  religion 
♦aught  by  the  Son  of  God.     This  alone  is  efferal 
in  diangmg  the  heart,  from  whence  proceed  the  am- 
b  tion  and  the  strife  which  have  been  the  causes  bj"h 

tl  e  nations  of  the  earth.  When  I  shall  have  point! 
ed  out  the  causes  which  incline  the  ministers  of  (.-e 
church  to  the  side  of  arbitrary  power  among  the  na- 
tions. I  shall  Illustrate  this  sentiment  with  a  revie«r 
o  lacts,  and  so  conclude  my  apology  for  introdu- 
cing this  subject  into  the  pulpit. 

6 


42 


THE    RIGHT   OF   DlSCt'S&IAG 


1 .  Account  for  the  fact,  that  christian  ministeri^ 
should,  in  despite  of  the  tendency  of  the  christian 
religion  to  favour  the  cause  of  civil  liberty,  be  often 
found  among  the  supporters  of  the  interestn  of  arbi- 
trary power. 

It  is  not  to  be  expected,  among  men  of  imperfect 
faculties  and  of  like  passions  with  others,  that  they 
should  be  perfectly  conformed  to  the  divine  law, 
or  even,  in  every  case,  assimilated  to  the  examples 
which  divine  revelation  records  with  approbation. 
They  are  capable  of  being,  in  part,  aflected  by  sur- 
rounding circumstances,  where  they  are  piously 
disposed ;  and,  it  is  not  to  be  questioned,  that,  in 
many  instances,  men  enter  into  the  ministry  with 
unsanctified  hearts,  as  the  means  of  procuring  a 
convenient  livelihood.  The  great  body  of  the 
priesthood  of  the  nations  will  accordingly  yield  to 
the  force  of  circumstances,  and  there  are  found  so 
many  exciting  causes  to  prejudice  the  mind  against 
civil  liberty,  that  it  is  easy  to  account  for  the  fact 
which  we  deplore. 

These  causes  are  to  be  found  in  the  ecclesiastical 
establishments  of  the  nations — The  personal  ambi- 
tion of  ecclesiastics — The  power  of  fear — And  the 
inclination  to  propagate  their  own  opinions,  natural 
to  all  men. 


First.  The  ecclesiastical  establishments  among 
the  nations,  secure  a  very  great  proportion  of  all 
the  clergy  in  the  christian  world,  upon  the  side  of 


PUBLIC   AFFAIRS. 


43 


the  syste^i  of  civil  rule,  by  which  they  are  suoported, 
many  of  them  in  great  splendour  and  opulence.  They 
are  themselves,  as  much  as  the  Egyptian,  Chaldean,  or 
Roman  hierarchies,  a  part  of  the  national  govern- 
ment, and  as  such  identified  with  the  prevailing  des- 
potism. They,  of  course,  and  also  as  many  as  can 
be  influenced  by  their  doctrine  and  example,  will  be 
disposed  to  coincide  with  tyrannical  power.* 

Second.    Personal  ambition  is,  everywhere,  in  a 
greater  or  less  degree,  to  be  found.     Clerical  ambi- 
tion was  found  in  the  apostolical  age,  and  it  has  ne- 
ver yet  diminished  ;  but  still  continues  to  agitate  the 
churches.     That  civil  liberty,  which  offers  restraint 
to  its  exercise,  and  which  denies  gratification  to  its 
desires,  will  not  receive  so  much  of  its  aid,  as  a  more 
splendid  and  powerful  system,  which  can  reward  its 
services,  by  reducing  within  its  reach  the  objects 
which  it  is  anxious  to  compass— rank,  influence,'  and 
opulence.     Discerning  statesmen,  of  arbit-a-y  and 
ambitious  views,  will  understand  their  men ;  and  the 
understanding  becomes  mutual. 

^  »  Human  establishments  havealways  been  made  engines  of  state 
policy:  thej  have  promoted  hypocrisy  and  infidelity-the  great 
evil  has  been  in  the  civil  magistrate  usurping  the  throne  of  Christ, 
and  exercising  spiritual  dominion-Here,"  in  the  United  States 
"  18  an  asyhim  for  you,  our  brethren  of  the  old  world,  whose  livrj 
are  embittered  by  the  cruel  impositions  of  men;  the  fruit  of  whose 
labours  go  to  support  lazy  priests  and  lumrious  princes  }  who  thou<^h 
you  rise  early,  and  late  take  rest,  obtain  only  a  scanty  subsistence 
lor  yourselves  and  families."  The  blessings  of  America.  A  sermon, 
nythc  late  Dr.  Linn,  of  New-York,  1791. 


44 


THE   RIGHT   OF    DlbCUsrsIIVG 


Third.  The  fear  of  iiifidolity,  ruinous  as  that 
system  is,  not  only  to  ecclesiastical  authority,  but  to 
good  morals,  and  to  present  and  future  happiness, 
has  driven  many  of  the  best  men  of  the  present  age, 
into  an  unhappy  attachment  to  the  doctrinesof  the  old 
antichristian  school.  Irreligion  formed,  especially  at 
the  commencement  of  the  Frendi  revolution,  a  tem- 
poiary  connexion  with  liberty  against  the  dominion 
of  European  despotism ;  and  virtuous  uiinds,  not  capa- 
ble of  sufficient  discrimination,  rejected  liberty  on 
account  of  her  evil  associate.  Designing  men  looked 
upon  the  connexion  with  pleasure,  as  affording  an 
opportunity  of  sounding  the  alarm,  and  reducing 
into  discredit  the  cause  of  liberty  as  if  inseparable 
from  impiety  and  licentiousness.  Ministers,  like 
others,  took  the  alarm ;  and  although  ihe  scriptures 
assure  us,  that  no  other  evil  is  to  have  such  de- 
structive influence  in  the  church,  as  the  antichristian 
polity  of  superstitious  establishments,  tliey  spake, 
in  private,  and  from  the  pulpit,  as  if  democracy  and 
deibin  were  the  only  calamity  to  the  church  of  God. 
In  the  course  of  a  few  years,  of  madness  and  misrule 
upon  the  part  of  France,  habits  of  opposition  to  revo- 
lutions, and  of  attachments  to  ancient  despotism,  have 
been  so  strongly  formed,  that,  even  now,  when  history 
proves  the  danger  to  have  been  visionary,  and  France 
has  actually  returned  to  her  ancient  boundaries,  and 
her  ancient  superstition,  under  her  former  race  of 
kings ;  the  practice  continues  of  presenting  liberty  ar- 
rayed in  the  garb  of  ipfidelity,  as  an  object  of  execra- 
tion and  universal  al)horrence.  Another  generation 
will  scarcely  credit  the  extent  of  the  panic  among  the 


TLBLlc   AFFAIRS. 


4.i 


as  that 
y,  but  to 
3ppineii»» 
sent  age, 
»f  the  old 
ciaily  at 
%  a  tem- 
iomhiion 
lot  capa- 
)erty  on 
ri  looked 
rding  an 
reducing 
eparable 
318,  like 
:riptures 
such  de- 
christian 
f  spake, 
acy  and 
of  God. 

misrule 
to  revo- 
sni,  have 
1  history 
I  France 
ries,  and 
race  of 
)erty  ar- 
■  execra- 
neration 
nong  the 


thurohe,  of  the  reformation.    They  will  be  amazed 
on  ear„.„g  from  history,  that  distinguished  andl 
te  Lgent  Protestant,  in  our  own  country,  had  been 
dnven  ,y  their  fears  of  French  infidelity  'so  far  i," 
a  forgetfulness  of  the  faith  of  their  fathers,  and   of 
he  recent  struggles  which  established  their  national 
l.bert,es.  as  to  hail  like  the  millennium,  an  even 
wh.ch  tended  to  consolidate  European  despot  sn," 
wh.eh  restored  to  power  the  „,n„  o?  sin.  wi, ,  a        J 
gloomy  terrors  of  the  Roman  inquisition  ;  andni.  ch 
afforded  the   opportunity  to  their   anci;„t  ,  e     .f 
pounng  out  h,s  victorious  legions   upon  their  ;,; 

Fourth.     It  is  natural  for  men  to  e.xpres,  their 
opunons  to  others ;  and  to  be  uneasy  under  Strain 
M,n,sters  of  religion  are  as  much  disposed  as  any  of 
<heu-  fel low.c.t,zens  to  propagate  their  own  senti- 
ments.    Their  habits  render  them  as  impatient   2 
der  restramt,  and  of  opposition,  as  any  c/ass  of  men 
They,  of  course,  incline  to  those  political  parti^Tn"' 
who  guarantee  and  encourage  the  exercise  of    h" 
right.     When  they  open  ,he\  Wble:  t    ;  1::: 
po htjcal  precepts  which  they  are  to  expou  d      If 
the  fnends  of  freedom  should,  under  miLpreben 
s.on,  mamfest  an  unwillingness  to  permit  such  expo 

encourage  it.  a  prejudice  must  immediately  arise  in 
favour  of  the  latter.    Unhappily  for  our'cou    r 
this  IS  very  generally  the  case      4n,l  v..  .  ' 

ohvious  the  eff-ect  pl-oduced^by  ,t     ^c     ,  rTpr 
rate  or  combined,  it  is  »  misrepresentation  of  ThJ 


46 


TUfc   UUIIIT   t»l'    UlStlJbMMi 


ni(»sl  injudu  ious  and  uriju.4  <le.s('ri|)tioii,  to  class  the 
ministt'is  of  cIniHtianity  iiuliscrimiriately  airiong  Ihc 
eiuinies  of  civil  fncdoiii.  Heal  religion  is  the  best 
frietjd  of  rational  liberty. 

2.  History  vindicates  the  character  of  christian 
ministers,  and  holds  them  up  to  view,  as  furnishing, 
in  every  age,  some  instances  of  the  most  intrepid 
and  successful  resistance  to  the  foes  of  freedom. 


I 


We  do  not  carry  you  back,  for  proofs  of  this  as- 
sertion, to  the  ages  of  inspiration  •  for  the  time  would 
fail  me  to  tell  of  (iideon  and  Barak,  and  of  Sam- 
son, and  of  .lophthah  ;  of  David  also,  and  Samuel,  and 
of  Ihc  prophets:  who,  through  faith  subdued  king- 
doms, wrought  righteousness,  obtained  promises, 
stopped  the  moutlis  of  lions,  quenched  the  violence 
of  lire,  escaped  the  edge  of  the  sword,  out  of  weak- 
ness were  made  strong,  waxed  valiant  in  fight,  turned 
to  fliffht  the  armies  of  the  aliens.*  Nor  do  we  refer 
you  to  the  history  of  the  Maccabean  brethren,  who  sig- 
nalized their  zeal  and  their  constancy,  against  the  ty- 
rant Antiochus,  in  defence  of  the  liberty  and  religion 
of  their  country.  The  story  of  more  recent  times, 
makes  us  acquainted  with  ministers  of  Christianity, 
who  vindicated  the  cause  of  God  and  man  at  the  peril 
of  their  lives,  against  the  encroachments  and  preten- 
sions of  arbitrary  power.  In  the  era  of  the  reformation, 
it  was  by  the  aid  of  christian  divines,  that  men  became 
acquainted  with  their  sacred  rights :  Zuinglius,  and 


*Heb.  11.  32—34. 


I'tJRLIC   AFKAIHb. 


IT 


Luther,  and  Calvin,  and  Kncx.  like  Moses,  who  fear- 
fd  not  tlunralh  of  the.  kin<r,  «aid  to  ti.e  ensh.vern  ol' 
then-  brethren,  /./  mr;  people  fro  ;  and  in  the  words  of 
fean.uel.  when  Saul  had  rent  his  .nanth.,  the  Lord 
halh  rent  the  kinirdom  from  thee,  did  they  vc.nhue  lo 
address  both  kings  and  eniperors.     Who  „,ore  va- 
lorous in  restoring  the  ]it,crtie«  of  ITolKind  ;  in  con- 
quer.ng  the   veterans   of  Alva;    and    in    re.i.ting 
ihiljp  the  tyrant,   than  tlie   thousands    who    wept 
ander  the  n.inistry  of  their  pa.riotie  and  faithful  pas- 
io^^.  l>efore    the   gates  of  Antwerp  and  Haerleui. 
1  hroughout  the  several  provinces  of  the  Nether- 
iands,  the  founders  of  that  famous  republic  were  ac- 
customed to  meet  in  arms,  to  hear  sermons  from 
preachers  for  whose  heads  rewards  were  i,.  vain  of- 
iered  by  the  foes  of  liberty  and  truth.     Scotland,  tiie 
onginal  comtrtf  of  the  whigs,  led  on  by  her  faithful 
pastors,   introduced   the  name  and   the  spirit   into 
England ;  and,  by  the  aid  of  the  puritan  .ninisters 
succeeded  in  the  temporary  reformation  of  both  tla' 
sanctuary  and  the  throne.     To  these  advocates  of  li- 
berty, the  British  empire  stands  to  this  day  under  ob- 
igation  for  all  the  freedom  enjoyed  by  the  constitu- 
tion.  In  encouraging  and  eflecting  the  American  re 
volution,  the  exertions  and  influence  of  christian  mi" 
nisters,  in  ih^  pulpit,  in  the  congress,  and  in  tlie  field, 
were  felt  and  duly  appreciated:   and  there  are  yet 
among  our  own  pastors,  men,  who,  in  despite  of  the 
baleful  influence  of  party  spirit,  feel  tlie  force  of  pietv 
and  patriotism,  and  remember  their  duly  to  the  cause 
ot  equity,  llieir  country,  and  their  God.  If  the  rioht. 
and  liberties  of  this  great  and  growing  empire  "aie 


48 


THE   RIGHT   OF   DISCUSSI^'G,   Si'c. 


doomed  to  perish,  their  last  abode  will  be  found  along 
the  side  of  tiie  pulpits  of  the  ministers  of  religion. 
There  are  men,  in  that  sacred  office,  who  would, 
in  such  a  case,  use  upon  better  principles  than  did 
the  Roman  orator,  the  words  which  he  put  on  the 
lips  of  liis  distinguished  client,  Titus  Annius  Milo, 
"  I  will  withdraw  and  retire  into  exile:  if  I  cannot 
be  a  member  of  a  virtuous  commonwealth,  it  will  be 
some  satisfaction  not  to  live  in  a  bad  one ;  and,  as 
soon  as  I  set  foot  in  a  well-regulated  and  free  state, 
there  will  I  fix  my  abode — qiiam-primnm  ietigero  bene 
moratam  el  liberam  civilateniy  in  ea  conquiescam."  But, 
no  !  Liberty  shall  not  perish !  The  daughter  of  Zion 
rejoices  in  her  fellowship.  Peace  and  prosperity 
shall  hereafter  visit  our  land,  and  dwrll  in  our  habi- 
tations. The  Lord  hasten  it  in  jis  own  time,  and 
unto  him  be  glory  in  Christ  Je?;us,  norld  mfhout 
end.     Ame>\ 


TOE  MORAL   CHARACTER   OF  THE   TWO 
BELLIGERENTS. 


•^V,\)V3^. 


SERMON  IL 

Tekel;  Thou  art  weighed  in  the  balances,  and  art 
found  wanting.     Dan.  v.  27. 

I™o/r"r  ''"*""'"  "''  pronounced  by  a  pro- 

welcorriP  iviiii^   K  f       .,  Proclaim  tnis  un- 

lar.  of  Chli,       "  "^  ""'""^''  '-"^  -x'  - 

Belshazzar,  the  Nabonadius  of  the  Greet  hi... 

xv::e?N\^"^°'"'"-'"-''^-^^'■S^^^^^ 

celebiated  Nitoons,  now  sat  upon  the  throne  of  Ne- 

I  uie  k  ngs  of  Babylon.     It  was  on  the  1 7th  year  of 
vlar™";  ;"'  T'"'"""-  -gn.and„„thea llf 

'^"-awds.i„rs;rrr':^rjt;j 


|:lt 


irs 


!'f 


5a 


IHE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OP 


palace.  He  forgot,  amidst  his  wine,  and  his  revelry, 
that  he  was  in  a  besieged  city.  For  two  years  had 
the  united  armies  of  the  far-famed  Cyrus  of  Per- 
sia, and  of  his  uncle  Darius  the  Mede,  laid  siege  to 
Babylon,  the  most  magnificent  metropolis  of  the 
world.  Babylon,  covering  a  square  of  sixty  milei 
circumference,  watered  by  the  great  river  Euphrates, 
surrounded  by  a  wall  of  eighty-seven  feet  in  thickness, 
and  of  corresponding  height,  strengthened  by  three 
hundred  towers  of  defence,  and  provisioned  for  ma- 
ny years,  proudly  frowned  upon  the  thousands  of 
Media  and  Persia,  who,  hitherto  in  vain,  were  en- 
deavouring its  overthrow. 

Belshazzar,  while  he  lasted  the  wine,  commanded  the 
golden  vessels,  taken  from  the  house  of  God  in  Jeru- 
salem, to  be  brought  to  him.  Witli  polluted  lips, 
he,  his  princes,  his  wives,  and  his  coticvhines,  drank, 
from  the  sacred  relics  of  Zion's  former  greatness, 
and  praised  the  gods  of  gold,  and  of  silver,  of  brass, 
of  iron,  of  wood,  and  of  stone.  A  brilliant  candle- 
stick, with  its  many  lights,  the  rays  of  which  were 
reflected  from  innumerable  mirrors,  is  suspended 
from  the  ceiling;  and  all  within  the  palace  is  mirth 
and  song.  But,  at  once,  the  king  of  Babylon  trem- 
bles. The  paleness  of  death  sat  upon  his  counte- 
nance. The  joints  of  his  loins  were  loosed;  and  his 
knees  smote  one  against  another.  The  whole  assem- 
V>ly  fell  into  disorder.  There  was  a  cause.  Fingers, 
unconnected  with  mortal  hand,  appear  on  the  wall 
ove»'  against  the  candlestick,  and  there,  in  writing, 
Ihey  leave  the  indelible  sentence  which  Daniel  the 


THE   TWO   BELLItlERENTS. 


^X 


prophet  was  summoned  to  interpret— Meive,  Mene, 
Tekel,  Upharsin.  He  hath  numbered^  he  hath  mm- 
beredy  he  hath  weighed,  they  divide.  The  King  of 
heaven  hath  numbered  the  days  of  Chaldean  power- 
He  hath  numbered  them  completely— The  Judge  of 
the  earth  hath  weighed  in  the  scale  of  moral  estiina^ 
tion,  this  government— The  Medes  and  Persians  di- 
vide and  destroy  tlie  empire. 

That  night  the  interpretation  was  verified.  Tlie 
Medes  and  Persians  look  the  city,  and  massacred  its 
nobles.  The  sun  of  Babylon  set  to  rise  no  more. 
It  is  now  but  a  tale  that  is  told.  Sic  transit  gloria 
mundi.  Human  power  is  evanescent ;  but  the  word 
of  the  Lord  endureth  for  ever.  The  hand-writing  upon 
the  wall  shall  not  be  forgotten  :  the  words  are  copied 
into  our  bibles  :  they  shall  be  repeated  over  all  the 
kingdoms  of  the  nations,  unto  people  of  every  kindred 
and  tongue :  and  the  maxims  which  they  lay  down, 
shall,  in  Uieir  full  import,  be  applied  to  other  times! 

Tekel,  Thou  art  weighed  in  the  balances. 

The  same  balances  still  remain  in  the  hand  of  the 
Judge  of  the  universe— Nations  still  exist— and  the 
ministers  of  religion,  like  the  prophet  of  God,  still 
interpret  the  divine  will. 

Acting  upon  this  authority,  I  proceed,  to  weigh, 
before  your  eyes,  in  the  balance  of  the  sanctuary, 
THE  British  mowarchy  and  the  American  republic. 


.  I- 


52 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 


To  each,  in  its  turn,  I  say  Tekel.  In  the  estimate, 
which  I  make,  of  the  moral  character  of  each  of 
these  belligerents,  I  desire  to  exercise  the  impartiali- 
ty of  a  visitant  from  another  world.  Of  those  things 
which  are  essential  to  the  formation  of  a  correct 
judgment,  I  would,  designedly. 

"  Keep  nothing  back, 

♦'  Nor  aught  get  down  in  malice." 

Seeing  it  is  not  as  a  statesman,  a  historian,  or  a 
philosopher,  but  as  a  christian  divine,  and  with  a 
view  to  particular  practical  questions,  1  am  now 
bound  to  exhibit  their  character,  it  will  not  be  ex- 
pected that  I  should  describe  the  state  of  literature 
in  the  two  countries ;  that  I  should  attend  to  their 
attainments  in  the  sciences  or  the  useful  arts ;  that  I 
should  give  an  account  of  their  respective  means 
and  strength ;  that  I  should  enter  into  a  detail  of  the 
domestic  economy  or  general  manners  of  the  peo- 
ple ;  or,  that  I  should  describe  the  state  of  the 
churches,  and  the  spirit  of  their  public  laws,  other- 
wise, than  as  essentially  necessary  to  an  estimate  of 
the  comparative  goodness  of  the  two  governments 
which  are  opposed  in  war, 

The  controversy,  to  be  decided  by  the  sword,  is 
in  fact  between  the  two  governments,  although  up- 
on questions  immediately  affecting  the  members  of 
each  community.  Independently,  however,  of  the 
mei  its  of  the  cause,  for  which  war  is  waged,  it  is  in- 
teresting for  the  christian  to  understand  the  charac- 


THE   TWO   BELLIGERENTS. 


53 


ter  of  the  parties  in  the  contest.  By  contemplating 
these,  in  the  light  of  the  divine  law,  we  shall  be  able 
to  determine  which  has  the  least  degree  of  the  di- 
vine disapprobation,  and  to  which,  of  course,  the  af- 
fections of  the  friends  of  God  should  most  forcibly 
tend.  There  is  a  sense  in  which  christians  are  not 
numbered  among  the  nations.  As  members  of 
Christ's  kingdom,  which  is  not  of  this  world,  as  sub- 
jects to  the  Sovereign  Governor  of  all  nations,  they 
are  not  to  be  influenced  by  partiality  to  country  so 
much  as  by  correct  views  of  the  righteousness'  or 
iniquity  which  may  belong  to  the  constitutions  of  na- 
tional power, 

IVie  constitutions  of  government  as  reduced  to  prac- 
tice, are,  in  this  case,  the  proper  objects  of  examina- 
tion. To  these,  as  it  respects  the  two  belligerents,  I 
now  direct  your  attention,  while  I  place  them  in  the 
balances  in  the  name  of  the  Judge  of  the  world. 

I  begin  at  home,  with,  \ 

I.  The  national  government  of  the  United  States, 

The  sin  of  a  nation  is  the  aggregate  of  all  the 
transgressions  committed  by  individuals  in  that  na- 
tion :  but  these  are  properly  national  sins,  which  are 
notorious,  prevalent,  and  characteristic.  I  speak  not 
however,  of  the  nation  at  large,  but  of  its  consti- 
tuted authorities,  and  therefore  attend  only  to  au- 
thorized SINS.* 

*  The  following  remarks,  made  unon  «he  BrJH.h  n»Mo?5   ^"  ~ 
Tery  amiable  and  pioua  divine  of  the  church  of  England,  appljr'equal^ 


Til 


THE   MOKAL   CIIAKACTLR   0I< 


m 


Tlio  publir  immoralities  of  the  constitution  of  our 
ferleral  government,  may,  although  more  numerous 
in  detail,  be  elasbcd  under  two  heads,  viz.  Disre- 
sped  for  God—and  violation  of  human  liberty.  By 
the  terms  of  the  national  compact,  God  is  not  at  all 
acknowledgod,  and  holding  men  in  slavery  is  author- 
ized.     Uotli  these  are  evils. 


:■* 


1.  God  is  not  aeknowlcdi^ed  by  the  constitution. 
In  a  federative  government,  erected  over  several 
distinct  and  independent  states,  retaining  each  the 
power  of  local  legislation,  it  is  not  to  be  expected 
that  specific  provision  should  be  made  for  the  inter- 
ests of  religion  in  particular  congregations.  The 
general  government  is  erected  for  the  general  good 
of  the  United  States,  and  especially  for  the  manage- 
ment of  their  foreign  concerns  :  but  no  association  of 
men  for  moral  purposes  can  be  justified  in  an  entire 

ly  to  thia  country.     «  The  multiplicity  of  oaths  which  are  interwo- 
▼en  into  almost  every  branch  of  public  business,  involves  thousands 
in  the  habitual  guilt  of  perjury,  which  perhaps  may  eminently  be 
ityled  our  national  sin.  The  frequency  of  oaths,  the  irreverent  man- 
ner in  which  they  are  administered,  and  the  impunity  with  which 
they  arc  broken,  have  greatly  contributed  to  weaken  the  sense  of 
every  moral  obligation,  and  to  spread  a  desolate  and  daring  spirit 
through  the  land.  The  profanation  of  the  Lord's  day,  drunkenness, 
profane  swearing,  are  contrary,  not  only  to  the  precept  of  scripture, 
but  to  the  laws  of  the  land  ;  and  yet  could  hardly  be  more  preva- 
lent if  there  were  no  statutes  in  force  against  them.    Very  few  ma- 
gistrates are  concerned  to  enforce  the  observation  of  these  laws; 
and,  if  private  persons  sometimes  attempt  it  by  information,  they 
meet  but  little  success ;  they  obtain  but  little  thanks.     The  acts  of 
pleading,  the  minutes  and  niceties  of  forms,  are  employed  to  entan- 
gle or  discourage  them,  and  to  skreen  offenders. 

Nefvlon's  JVorks,  Phit.  1  "92.  Vol  V,  page  3oe. 


THE   FEDEKAL   CONSTITUTION. 


Q5 


neglect  of  the  Sovereign  of  the  world.     Statesmen 
in  this  country  had  undoubtedly  in  their  eye  tiie 
abuHe  of  religion  for  mere  political  purposes,  which 
in  the  nations  of  the  old  world,  had  corrupted  the 
sanctuary,  and  laid  the  foundation  for  the  persecution 
of  godly  men.     The  princij)al  writers,  upon  govern- 
ment, friendly  to  the  cause  of  civil  liberty  in  the  king- 
doms of  Europe,  had  generally  advocated  principles, 
which,  in  their  application,  have  led,  upon  the  part  of 
civilians,  to  a  disrespect  for  religion  itself;  and  these 
principles  had  no  small  influence  upon  the  founders  of 
this  republic.    This  was  the  case  in  a  remarkable  de- 
gree with  the  continental  politicians ;  nor  are  Sydney 
and  Locke  to  be  entirely  exempted  from  the  charge. 
In  the  overthrow  of  those  particular  establishments, 
favourable  to  tlie  church  of  England,  which  existed 
here  before  the  revolution,  it  was  natural,  consider- 
ing the  state  of  religious  information  in  the  commu- 
nity, to  go  to  an  opposite  extreme.     But  no  consi- 
deration will  justify  the  framers  of  the  federal  con- 
stitution, and  the  administration  of  the  government, 
in  withholding  a  recognition  of  the  Lord  and  his 
Anointed  from  the  grand  charter  of  the  nation.    On 
our  daily  bread,  we  ask  a  blessing.    At  our  ordina- 
ry meals,  we  acknowledge  the  Lord  of  the  world. 
We  begin  our  last  testament  for  disposing  of  world- 
ly estates,  in  the  name  of  God :  and  shall  we  be 
guiltless,  with  the  bible  in  our  hands,  to  disclaim  the 
christian  religion  as  a  body  politic  ?* 

*  If  it  be  <ruo,  as  has  been  asserted,  by  men  who  bad  the  opnor- 
iimity  of  knouins  the  fact,  that  Benjamin  Franklin  proposed,  in 
the  convention,  the  introduction  into  the  constitution,  of  an  article 


/f 


17 


I- 


56 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTEK   OF 


2.  The  constitution  of  our  government  recognizeii 
the  practice  of  holding  mtn,  without  being  convict- 
ed of  any  oflence  against  society,  in  perpetmt 
slavery. 

This  evil,  prohibited  by  the  divine  law,  Exod.  xxi. 
16.  And  he  that  steaklh  a  man,  and  selleth  him,  or  if 
he  be  found  in  his  hand,  he  shall  surely  be  put  to  death* 
IS  equally  inconsistent  wiih  what  is  said,  in  the  decla- 
ralion  of  American  independence,  to  be  a  self-evi- 
dent truth.     I'he  words  of  that  very  valuable  docu- 
ment,  are  as  follow,  «  We  hold  these  truths  to  be 
self-evident-that  all  men  are  created  equal ;  that 
they  are  endowed  by  the  Creator  with  certain  una- 
lienable rights ;  that,  among  these  are  life,  liberty, 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness-That  to  secure  these 
lights  governments  are  instituted  among  men."    In 
direct  opposition  to  tliese  self-evident  maxi.ns,  the 
constitution    provided  for  the   continuance   of  the 
5/ai;c-<m/c  until  the  year  1808,  and  it  still  provides 
for  the  continuance  of  slavery  in  this  free  country. 
It  even  gives  to  the  slave-holder  an  influence,  in  le- 

professing  submission  to  the  Lord,  and  that  he  nas  overruled,  the 
sm  and  the  reproach  on  the  part  of  his  opponents  is  the  greater.  It 
is  certainly  true,  that  an  administration,  often  said  to  be  more  friend- 
ly to  Christianity,  than  that  which  has  recently  existed,  has  dis- 
claimed  that  religion  in  the  following  words:  viz.  "  The  government 
oj  the  IJmlcd  Stales  is  not,  in  ant,  sense  Jotinded  on  the  christian  reli- 
gion. It  has,  m  itself,  no  character  of  enmity  against  the  laws  or  re- 
Ifgion  of  Mussuhuny 

Tripol.  Treaty,  Art.  U.  U.  S.  Laws,  Vol.  IF. 
This  treaty,  ralifie.l  in  the  year  1797.  was  thereby  made  the  s». 
preme  law  of  the  land.     Const.  Art.  6.  Sect.  2. 
*  TJie  author  published  a  discourse  on  this  {e\\,  in  1802. 


THE   FEDERAL   GOVERNMENT. 


57 


gislafion,  proportioned  to  the  number  of  his  fellow- 
men  he  holds  in  bondage.* 

For  these  national  immoralities,  I  am  bound,  as  a 
minister  of  the  gospel,  whc  derives  his  politics  from 
the  bible,t  to  pronounce  upon  this  government  the 
sentence  of  my  text,— tekel,  Thou  art  weighed  in  the 
balances,  und  art  found  wanting. 

Let  me  not  be  understood,  however,  as  conveying 
the  idea,  that  the  otlier  belligerent  is  not  faulty  in 
these  respects.  Great  Britain  set  the  example  to  her 
colonies,  of  prosecuting  the  slave-trade.  She  still 
retains  in  her  numerous  provinces,  thousands  in  ab- 
ject bondage.  A  few  good  men,  after  the  repeated, 
the  continual  exertion  of  years  in  the  British  Par- 
liament, obtained  at  last  a  victory  honourable  to 
themselves  and  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  in  finally 

*  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares,  Art.  I.  Sect.  9. 
Clause  1.  The  migration,  or  importation  of  such  persons,  as  any  of 
the  states  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited  by  the  congress,  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  ei<^ht  hun- 
dred and  eight.  Art.  I.  Sect.  2.  Clause  3.  Representatives,  nni\  di- 
rect  taxes,  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  states  which  may 
be  included  within  this  union,  according  to  their  respective  num- 
bers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of 
/wpmans— three- fifths  of  all  other  persons. 

t "  The  bible  is  my  system  of  politics.  There  I  read,  that  the 
Lord  reigns ;  that  he  <loth  what  he  pleaseth  in  the  armies  of  heaven, 
and  among  the  inhabitants'of  the  earth;  that  no  wis.lom,  under, 
standing,  counsel,  or  power,  can  prevail  without  his  blessing;  that 
as  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  so  sin  is  the  reproach,  and  will 
«ven  totally  be  the  ruin,  of  any  people."  Navton. 

8 


iH 


I' 


08 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTKR   OF 


abolishing  the  African  trade ;  but  those  injured  peo- 
ple, already  in  durance,  have  no  hope  of  release  for 
themselves  or  for  their  offspring.  Slavery  is  a  black, 
a  vile  inheritance  left  to  America  by  her  royal  step- 
mother, whose  injustice  produced  the  Revolution. 

On  the  score  of  religion,  it  is  better  to  neglect,  thau 
to  prostitute  the  church  of  God.     Here,  the  framera 
of  our  law  have  said  to  the  daughter  of  Zion,  «  de- 
part from  our  counsels.  A  few  of  us  love  thy  cause; 
but  there  are  some  who  hate  it ;  and  the  greater  part 
are  indifferent  about  thee.  Go,  seek  thy  way  uninter- 
rupted through  the  land.     Thou  arf  free  to  pursue 
the  most  desirable  course :  but  upon  our  aid  thou 
must  not  calculate."     There,  political  men  beheld 
the  christian  cause  with  an  eye  that  seeks  to  make 
gain  of  every  object  within  its  reach.    The  states- 
man said,  «  Come,  daughter  of  Zion,   thou   must 
bear  my  yoke;   thou  must   be  my  servant;  thou 
must    promote    my   interest;    and   shouldest  thou 
refuse    my   mandates,    thou   shall    suffer   for    thy 
fidelity   to    Jehovah.       Whatever    the    bible   may 
teach,  it  is  my  business    to  establish  such   a   sys- 
tem of  religion  as  best  suits  my  own  political  plans. 
This  is  my  determination." 

Notwithstanding,  therefore,  the  irreligion  of  the 
general  constitution  of  our  government,  the  church  of 
Cod  is,  in  ttiis  country,  upon  a  better  footing,  as  it  re- 
spects the  nati(^nal  power,  than  in  any  other  country 
upon  earth.  Nay,  under  existing  circumstances,  it  is 
our  mere; , that  God  has  so  ordered  it  in  his  providence. 


THE   BRITISH   COTERNMENT. 


^9 


that  men,  of  the  description  of  those  who  are  elected 
to  power  among  the  nations,  have  not  been  permitted 
to  interfere  with  ecclesiastical  polity,  and  to  exercise 
sovereignty  over  the  consciences  of  men,  in  their  spi- 
ritual concerns.     While  we  reprobate  the  infidelity 
of  the  national  compact,  we  rejoice  in  the  measure 
of  religious  liberty  whicli  we  enjoy ;  and  we  depre- 
cate any  attempts  upon  the  part  of  political  men, 
who  do  not  understand  the  doctrines  and  the  order 
of  the  christian  church,  to  imitate  the  corrupt  exam- 
ple of  Uzzah  the  son  of  Abinadab,  who  applied  his 
hand  to  the  ark  of  the  covenant,  or  of  kings  Saul 
and  Azariah,  who,  without  authority,  offered  sacri- 
fice and  burned  incense  before  the  Lord,  p.nd  were 
accordingly  punished  as  guilty.* 

II.  I  now  proceed  to  examine  The  moral  character 
of  the  British  Constitution. 

It  is  not  my  design,  in  this  examination,  to  give 
the  history  of  this  system  of  government,  the  foun- 
dation of  which  is  to  be  found  in  the  rude  and  bar- 
barous institutions  of  the  ancient  Germans,!  or  to 
delineate  its  several  checks  and  balances,  in  the  distri- 
bution of  power,  according  to  its  present  practice. 
However  instructive  to  the  civilian  such  a  review,  it 
would  not  comport  with  the  place  in  which  I  speak, 
or  with  the  obje  t  which  I  contemplate.    Upon  its 


*    I     il 


*  1  Sam.  xiil.  10—13,  2  Chron.  xxvi.  16—21. 
t  Stuart's  Hist.  Diss.  co|icerning  the  English  Constitution. 


60 


THE   MORAIi   CHARACTER   OF 


wisdom  and  its  might,  its  stability  ind  itr,  grandeur, 
let  otliers  freely  and  fully  descant :  ii,  in  my  business 
to  place  it  in  the  balances,  in  order  to  ascertain  its 
moral  worth  before  my  God  and  his  church,  tekel  ; 
He  halh  weighed  it.  And  by  his  word  we  determine 
its  character. 

The  BRITISH  ooTERNMENT,  as  It  now  exists,  is  a 
despotic  usurpation — A  superstitious  combination  of 
civil  and  ecclesiastical  power — A  branch  of  the  grand 
antichristian  apostacy — Erastian  in  its  constitution 
and  administration — and  Cruel  in  its  policy.    It  is, 
therefore,  a  throne  of  iniquity,  of  which  neither  God, 
nor  goGly  men,  who  understand  it,  can  approve.*  This 
is  a  heavy  charge  ;  but  it  is  not  unjust :  if  I  do  not  sup- 
port every  article  of  it  with  sufficient  documentary 
testimony,  it  is  not  because  I  have  not  abundance  of 
this  at  my  command.  I  lay  some  of  the  evidence  be- 
fore you.  The  impai  tial  will  say  it  is  enough.  There 
is  no  need  of  comment.     It  is  selected  from  unques- 
tionable authorities,  of  in  itself  notorioqs. 


1.  The  British  government,  in  the  present  practice 
of  the  constitution,  is  not  a  fair  representation  of  the 
people  over  whom  its  power  is  exercised. 

There  are  only  three  ways  by  which  one  set  of  men 
acquire  power  over  others — By  divine  authority,  by 
the  election  of  the  people  to  be  governed,  or  by  usur- 
pation.   Usurped  authority,  maintained  as  well  as 

*  Psalm  xciv.  20. 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT. 


Ul 


originally  acquired  by  force,  is  immoral.    Divine 
riglit  cannot  be  pleaded  without  a  divine  revelation  to 
support  it;  it  follows  of  course  that  the  choice  of 
the  subject  is  necessary  in  the  constitution  of  civil 
order,  to  confer  legitimate  authority  upon  liie  ruler. 
"  The  blood  royal,"  "  the  ancient  sovereigns,"  "  the 
rights  of  the  crown,"  «  the  linone  of  his  ancestors," 
are  all  fine  and  captivating  expressions  from  tlie  lips 
of  an  orator,  to  amuse  and  deceive  the  thoughtless : 
but  have  they  any  meaning  ?  Do  they  convey  any 
idea  worthy  of  a  man  of  sense  and  magnanimity .' 
Have  they  any  allurements  for  a  good  christian? 
iVo.    They  are  only  dazzling  ornaments  without  so- 
lidity and  without  worth.  I  lay  it  down  as  an  axiom 
in  political  morality,  that  true  uei'Rksentation  is 
ESSENTIAL  TO  LAWFUL  POWER ;  and  that  in  all  cases  in 
which  the  Deity  does  not  immediately  interpose  to 
appoint  the  depositaries  of  power,  the  choice  of  a 
representative  belongs  to  the  members  of  the  com- 
munity.    Divide  power  as  you  will ;  make  the  arm 
of  autliority  weak  or  strong,  as  suits  your  purpose ; 
call  your  chief  magistrate  King,  Consul,  Emperor, 
President,  Governor,  or  whatsoever  else  you  please ; 
form  your  legislative  councils  of  one  or  of  many 
chambers ;  let  your  courts,  your  judges,  your  offi- 
cers of  law,  be  many  or  few  :  but  maintain  the  prin- 
ciple of  representation  inviolate  ;  for  a  representa- 
tive DEMOCRACY   IS  THE   ORDINANCE   OF   GOD. 


I 


I       i 


The  representative  system  is  supported  by  the  ait- 
Ihority  of  common  sense — %  decisions  of  scripture — 
h  '^^  general  voice  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 


M 


1.2 


illJS   ftlONAL  rHAKACTEll   OK 


Firs*.  INr^ji.  wilii  romiiu.n  nonse  ns  their  ^iiicle,  in 
all  llu>  vohintuiy  associations  which  they  form,  act 
ujMm  tiiis  principle. 

Tlu>y  ap{Hiiii<  tlu>ir  chnirnmn.  their  scrilus  thrlr 
hcasurcr,  lluir  nmnn^rorn,  tlu  ir  ronuniltces  at  pUa- 
Mnv.  In  nil  iVoo  cities;  in  all  IxMicvoh.nt  inslitu- 
tions,  wUvihvv  composed  of  males  or  females  ;  in  all 
mcrtinj»s  for  (he  ilillnsion  of  literary  knowkHl^e,  for 
hilarity,  or  for  l)nsin(«ss  this  i.s  the  common  course  of 
prociilnre:  and  why  deny  (ho  applica(ion  of  com- 
mon sense  io  na(ional  associa(i,ms  for  the  main(en. 
aneeof  order  u.ider  nnmicipal  law,  and  the  defence 
of  (ho  s(a(e  tnnw  foreign  violence  I 

Second.     Divine  revelation  inculcates  and  excm- 
plilios  Uio  system  of  representation. 

God  deals  wilh  us,  upon  a  knowledsfe  of  thf  frame 
of  our  n)in<is  and  (he  *harac((>r  of  our  facuKies  ;  and 
lie  diivcts  us,  so,  also,  to  deal  with  one  anodit  r.  The 
iYpivs(Mita(ive  system  appears  in  the  fno  i(reai  cs- 
irtbiishmtuts  ofhrami,  in  relation  (o  mankind.^-Uie  co- 
VK.XAN  r  OF  w<)KK>  and  the  covkna.\  r  ok  ohace.  There 
is  a  natural  inuiy,  aud  there  is  a  spiritual  bodif.  And 
so  it  is  nritten.  The  Jirst  man,  Adam,  was  made  a 
/iri»tif  .vo«/,  the  iast  Adam  nas  made  a  quiekeninir  spi- 
rit.  The  first  man  is  of  the  (arth,  larthi/ ;  the  seeond 
minis  the  l.ord  Jhwi  heaven.  And  as  is  the  tarthi/, 
sueh  are  they  also  that  are  earthy;  and  as  is  the  hea- 
ftidj/,  sueh  arc  they  also  that  are  heaiadjf^*^ 

*  1  Cor.  xr,  4 1—48. 


THE    UniTlSH   CinVKimiMKNT. 


«:$ 


Kiiicle,  in 
Ibriii,  act 


\\h\  thrir 
s,  at  plia- 
ni  ifKstitii- 
OS ;  ill  all 
lecl^i^  for 
roui\so  of 
of  coin- 
inaint«>n- 


nd  excm- 


he  frame 
lies ;  and 
la  r.  The 

— tlie  co- 
E.  There 

fnaile  a 
tiiiitr  spi- 
ke ueond 
e  <artht/f 

Uic  hea- 


In  the  ndininislralions  of  divinr  grace,  as  well  as 
in  tlu'  fornuidon  of  his  rovenant,  Jeiiovah  direets 
human  soeiely  by  his  holy  word  to  act  u|)on  the 
pi  ineiph^  ,»f  iepres(«ntali,»n ;  and  he  guarantees  l>y 
divin,.  right,  to  (hat  part  of  the  rational  family,  who 
are  peeuliarly  uihUm  his  care,  a  system  of  social  or- 
der eonxNponding  (herewith.     AKhough  he  appoint 
eeelesiastieal  olliccus,  he  gives  the  r/if///  (f  choiee  to 
<he  people  over  whom  tiiey  rule.     In  the  exercise  of 
authority,  eeelesiastical  cdficers  meet,  and  appoint 
their  own  cnder  and  agents.     In  the  government  di- 
vinely provided  for  (lie  ehureh  of  (lod,  we  have  the 
best  evidence  cd*  the  manner  in  which     i'  will  have 
his  ratit)nal  creatures  to  act,  in  the  formation  of  all 
their  social  institutions.     The  church  is   hy  divine 
right  a  Uepublic:  such  a  systeu]  of  governnient  is  of 
course  the  wisest  and  the  best. 

In  civil  allairs,  as  well  as  in  ecclesiastical,  the  same 
principles  of  onier  are  inculcated  in  8cripturc\  The 
Jaw  lor  the  election  of  rulers,  and  for  trial  of  their 
conduct,  implies  the  right  of  election,  and  removal 
from  office.  The  practice  illustrates  the  law.  We 
read,  it  is  true,  of  kings,  and  of  kings  designated  to 
oflice  l)y  immediate  revelation.  Hut  the  executive 
ollicei-s  of  .|„,lah  and  Israel,  although  called  king, 
were  placvd  under  a  law,  and  liable  to  deposition  cm 
account  of  mal-adnnnistrali(m.  'J'jiese  kings  even 
when  nominatcMl  by  the  Lord,  were  still  recvignized 
as  the  representatives  or  agents  of  the  connnon- 
Wealth,  and  subject  to  removal  from  oflice  by  the 
romuiunity  whensoever  they  abu.ed  their  trust/ Tlie 


64 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 


covenant  of  God  with  David,  I  admit,  did  author- 
ize the  regal  succession  in  the  family  of  the  son  of 
Jesse ;  but  that  succession  was  never  regulated  by 
primogeniture,  so  much  as  by  actual  qualification 
for  power.  And  it  would  be  as  absurd,  now  that 
Messiah  is  come,  to  whom  that  arrangement  pointed, 
to  plead  in  behalf  of  royal  blood,  as  to  require,  after 
the  example  of  the  house  of  Aaron,  that  the  minis- 
try of  the  church  should  be  subjected  to  hereditary 
succession. 


Abimelech  is  the  first  king  of  whom  we  read  among 
the  Israelites,  and  he  was  made  so  by  the  men  of 
Shechem*  The  men  of  Israel  had  offered  the  sover- 
eignty to  Gideon ;  but,  while  he  admitted  their  pow- 
er of  making  the  election,  he  refused  their  offer.f 
When  Saul  was  placed  upon  the  throne,  the  institu- 
tion of  the  monarchy,  and  the  actual  election  of  the 
incumbent,  were  the  acts  of  the  people  of  Israel,  al- 
though the  Lord  pointed  out  the  man.J  David,  Solo- 
mon, and  Rehoboam,  Uzziah  and  Josiah,  received 
the  kingdom  by  consent  of  the  community.  All  the 
kings  of  Israel  and  Judah  were  subject  to  the  con- 
stitution and  the  law ;  obliged  to  act  with  the  advice 
of  the  Sanhedrim,  the  great  council  of  elders ;  to 
preserve,  in  their  rights,  the  lesser  Sanhedrims  of  the 
several  cities,  all  of  which  were  regularly  elected  to 
office ;  and  in  default,  these  kings  were  punished  of 
the  Lord,  by  divine  judgments,  and  of  the  people 


*  Judges  ix.        t  Judg.  viii.  21—23.        J  l  Sam.  xii.  12—20. 


Hos.  xiii.  10. 


was  coul 


M, 


THE   BRITISH   GOVr^NMENT. 


63 


by  deposition,  as  in  the  case  of  Uzziab,  or  by  death, 
as  in  that  of  his  father  Amaziah,  king  of  Judah  * 


i 


*  The  celebrated  Mr.  Pri/nne,  who  valiantly  contended  in  the 
British  parliament  for  religion  and  liberty,  under  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  and  who  vindicated,  with  his  pen,  the  rights  of  the  peo- 
ple upon  scriptural  principles,  treats  at  great  length  upon  this  sub- 
ject. After  a  learned  and  lull  examination  ol"  the  history  of  the 
kings  of  Judah  and  Israel,  he  adds,  "  From  all  these  texts,  compar- 
ed  with  P:ov.  xi.  14.  &  xv.  22.  «fe  xxv.  5.  it  is  most  apparent,  that 
they  were  no  absolute  sovereign  princes,  paramount  to  their  whole 
kingdoms,  or  the  general  senate  or  congregation  of  the  people,  or  their 
sanhedrim  ;  but  inferior  to  them  in  power  ;  and  not  only  counselledj 
but  overruled  usually,  by  them,  in  all  matters  of  public  concern- 
ment."    Sov.  Power  of  Pari.  p.  141. 

Zuinglius,  the  first  herald  of  the  reformation,  says,  that  "  (he  peo- 
pie  of  Israel,  although  tliey  called  a  king,  reserved  to  themselves  suf- 
ficient authority  to  overrule  their  king  in  those  things  which  seemed 
needful  for  the  public  welfare.  The  kings  of  the  Jews,  and  others, 
might  be  lawfully  deposed  by  the  people.  If  the  king  be  created  by 
common  suffrages,  he  may  again  be  deprived  by  common  votes,  un- 
less they  will  be  punished  with  him."  Tom.  I.  Art.  42.  quoted  by 
Prynnc. 

The  learned  Stcphnnus  J.  Brutus,  in  his  Fendicim  contra  tyran- 
ms,  in  answer  to  Machiavel,  writes,  "  As  all  the  people  are  supe- 
rior to  the  king,  so  are  those  officers  of  state  who  represent  them 
collectively  considered.  In  the  kingdom  of  Israel  they  had  elders 
and  captains  elected  out  of  all  the  tribes,  who  had  the  care  of  the 
commonwealth,  both  in  peace  and  in  war— neither  could  any  thing 
be  determined  without  their  advice,  which  much  concerned  the 
commonwealth.  And  because  they  represented  all  the  people,  all 
the  people  are  then  said  to  have  assembled  together."  Quest  3  p 
94—97.  '    '^' 

Sigonius  is  the  last  writer  I  shall  quote,  in  this  connexion.  "  The 
kings  of  the  Israelites  were  created  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people^ 
although  the  kingdom  of  Judah  was  in  a  sense  hereditary,  yet  it 
was  coufimu'd  by  the  Riiffrngcs  of  the  iteople."     Pev.  Heb.  Lib    7 

i'ttp.'.], 

0 


m 


Hi 


e& 


THE   MOBAL   CHARACTER   OF 


In  the  third  place,  The  general  practice  of  na- 
tions, even  where  monarchy  existed,  is  in  support  of 
the  principle   of  representation.      Kingly  govern- 
ment is  obviously,  as  the  learned  Selden,  a  member 
of  the  Westminsler  Assembly,  calls  it,  a  heathen  insti- 
tution ;  but  the  king  was  considered  as  the  agent  of 
the  public  will.     The  history  of  every  nation  will 
serve  to  show,  that  I  do  not  make  the  assertion  with- 
out authority.    The  greatest  tyrants  have  been  in  the 
habit  of  considering  themselves  as  representing  the  na- 
tion over  which  they  ruled ;  and  in  the  present  age,  the 
higli  claims  of  arbitrary  power  tend,  only,  like  the  fa- 
bles of  Pagan  mythology,  and  the  fairy  tales  of  a 
ruder  superstiUon,  to  decorate,  with  splendid  image- 
ry, poetry  and  romance ;  or,  when  introduced  art- 
f.:Ily,  into  popular  declamation,  to  flatter  aspiring 
minds,  and  deceive  the  simple.     The  treaty  of  Pari? 
abundantly  shows  that  crowned  heads  no  longer  de- 
pend  on  (he  divine  right  of  hereditary  succession. 
Ferdinand  is  recognized,  during  the  life-time  of  his 
deposed  father,  on  the  throne  of  Spain.     Murat  and 
Bernadotte  are  permitted  to  occupy  the  kingdoms  of 
living  fugitives  of  the  blood  royal;  and   since  the 
partition  of  Poland,  successful  usurpation  is  a  better 
title  than  carnal  descent.     If  the  principle  of  repre- 
sentation  is  forgotten,  hereditary  right  is  less  de- 
pended on,  than  possession  by  force  of  arms.    Such, 
alas !  is  the  unprincipled  condition  of  the  masters  of 
the  European  world.* 

*  Tha*  the  rrprcscnfative  pypfem,  in  a  grpatpr  or  Ffss  degreo, 
met  with  the  views  of  the  P^veral  nations,  is  obvious  from  the 
^orks  of  tlie  ablest  wrilers.    Jmlrciv  IloriH,  an  <ininent  JBngUs^ 


THli    BRITISH    GOVERNMENT. 


67 


If  1  have  succeeded  in  showing,  that  representa- 
tion is  essential  to  lawful  rule,  I  shall  take  less  of 
your  time  in  proving,  that  the  practice  of  the  Brilish 
constitution  is,  when  weighed  in  this  balance,  found 
wanting. 


i    ^  !■ 


lawyer  in  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  says,  «  A  king  h  created  and 
ficc/frf  to  do  justice,  that  the  tirat  kings  of  England  had  thirty-eight 
companions,  comites,  or  counts,  the  first  officers  of  so  many  counties, 
who  collectively  representing  the  whole  kingdom,  were  above  the 
king." 

Chancellor  Fortescue,  in  a  work  addressed  to  Henry  VI.  describes 
the  kingdom  as  a  body  politic,  of  which  the  king  is  head,  and  the 
public  will  (he  heart  or  seat  of  life.  "  The  king  cannot  change 
the  laws  of  that  body,  or  wiUidraw  their  substance  from  them 
against  their  wills.  He  is  ordained  for  the  defence  of  the  laws.  He 
receiveth  power  from  his  people.  Of  their  own  free  will  they  sub- 
mitted to  the  government  of  a  king,  only  to  the  end  that  they  might 
thereby  maintain  themselves  with  more  safety."  Dc  Laud.  Reg. 
Cap.  9. 

Salamoniiis  uses  these  words,  "  The  whole  kingdom  and  people 
are  the  original  supreme  sovereign  power,  by  whose  common  con- 
sent  and  authority,  all  lawful  kings  and  kingdor.  j  were  at  first 
created  and  instituted,  and  from  whom  they  derived  all  their  regal 
jurisdiction."    Sal.  de  Principales,  Lib.  }.p.  1—6. 

Grottun  represents  the  people  as  originally,  sui  juris,  entitled  to 
dispose  of  the  government  as  they  shall  think  meet—"  it  being  a 
thing  in  its  own  nature  not  capable  of  an  occupancy,  nor  seizable 
by  any,  unless  the  people  will  voluntarily  desert  their  own  liberty." 
De  Jure.hel.  andpac.  I.  3.  c.  15. 

"  Now  verily,  since  kings  are  constituted  by  the  people,  all  the 
people  are  better  and  greater  than  the  king.  He  who  receiveth  au- 
thority from  another  is  inferior  to  his  author.  In  the  republic,  which 
is  compared  to  a  ship,  the  king  is  the  captain,  the  people  the 
owner.  To  him,  holding  the  helm,  the  people  submit,  'vhen  not- 
withstanding he  ought  to  be  accounted  «  wmraf."  Jun.  Brut. 
Vindi.  con.  tyrran.  quest.  3.  p.  41. 


ir,! 


ua 


THE    MOKAL   CHARACTER   Ol' 


II. 


The  king,  it  is  admitted,  cannot  do  wrong.  He  is 
not  accountable.  He  succeeds  to  the  throne  accord- 
ing to  primogeniture.  Be  he  wise  or  simple ;  good 
or  bad,  by  the  constitution  of  that  country,  which 
has  superior  pretensions  to  good  sense  and  to  morali- 
ty, the  first-born  of  royal  blood  ascends  the  chair  of 
state ;  and,  without  the  least  regard  to  capacity  or 
to  character,  he  is  chief  magistrate  and  head  of  the 
church.  This  is  notorious.  Such  a  monarch  cannot 
be  considered  as  the  true  representative  of  the  king- 
dom. The  Lords  spiritual  and  temporaly  have  little 
of  the  principle  stated  above  as  necessary  to  lawful 
rule,  and  the  House  of  Commons  is  far  from  being  a 
true  representation  of  the  poople. 


The  population  of  the  united  kingdoms  amounts, 
according  to  the  latest  accounts,  to  about  fifteen  mil- 
lions. Very  few  of  these  are  represented  in  parlia- 
ment. The  whole  of  the  members  returned  to  thai 
great  court  of  the  empire,  have  received,  probably, 
less  than  three  hundred  thousand  votes.  These  suf- 
frages are  commonly  bought  and  sold  as  any  other 
article  in  the  market.  The  ministry  can  always  se- 
cure a  large  majority.  The  parliament  is  a  repre- 
sentation of  a  few  powerful  and  opulent  families ; 
and  these  only  serve  to  give  the  appearance  of  popu- 
larity to  the  paramount  influence  of  ihe  monarchy,  as 
employed  by  tlie  immediate  servants  of  the  crown.* 


*  The  population  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  is  computed  at 
firieen  millions.  Of  these,  ujiwards  of  two  are  paupers.  Upwards 
of  one  h;iH' the  remainder  is  of  the  female  sex.  And  of  the  males 
pf  mature  years,  which  cannot  be  computed  as  far  exceeding  three 


THE    BUITiSlI    OOVLKNMENT. 


09 


2.  The  British  constitution  of  government^  is  a 
superstitious  combination  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
power. 

The  king  is  head  and  sovereign  of  the  church. 
The  bishops  of  the  church  are  lords  <  f  the  land,  and 
members  of  the  legislature^  and  judges  of  the  law. 
By  order  of  both,  the  m.ost  solemn  of  the  ordinances 
of  the  Lord  our  God  is  continually  profaned:  and 
all  this  is  essential  to  the  onstitution  of  the  govern- 
ment. These  facts  are  notorious:  and  there  is  not 
upon  the  face  of  the  earth  greater  iniquity. 

The  king  is  head  of  the  church.  "  Our  lawyers 
pronounce  that  the  king  of  England  unites  in  his 
person,  the  dignity  of  chief  magistrate,  with  the 
sanctity  of  a  priest ;  and  the  title  of  Sacred  Majesty, 
appears  to  have  commeLced,  when  he  assumed  the 

millions,  one  out  of  six  is  in  the  pay  of  government.  The  offices 
in  church  and  state,  in  the  army,  the  navy,  and  the  colonies,  are 
filled  by  not  less  than  half  a  million  of  men,  deriving  from  the 
patronage  of  the  crown  not  less  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dol- 
lars a  year.  These  have  friends  and  connexions ;  and  there  are 
many  office-hunters  depending  upon  the  patronage  of  the  crown. 
The  evil  is  of  course  enormous.  Scarcely  will  one  hundred  thou- 
sand independent  electors  be  found  in  the  united  kingdoms.  In 
England  there  are  only,  altogether,  one  hundred  and  sixty  thou- 
sand freeholders.    King''s  Tables. 

"  What  then,"  I  use  the  words  of  a  distinguished  patriot  of  the  re. 
volution,"  What  is  the  majority  of  their  parliament,  but  a  flagitious 
combination  of  ministerial  hirelings,  conspired  to  erect  the  Babel 
of  despotism  upon  the  ruins  of  the  beautiful  fabric  of  law."  Gov. 
Idivingston. 


^m 


70 


THE    MORAL    LHARACTEK   OF 


function  of  head  of  (he  church."*     He,  as  sovereign 
of  the  ecclesiastical  body,  calls  at  pleasure  his  clergy 
together,  and  dissolves  their  meetings   when  they 
have  executed  lus  will :  he  fdls  up  vacancies  among 
his  bishops;  and  he  presents  to  their  livings  and  their 
tithes  over  his  subjects,  the  inferior  clergy,  unless 
the  patronage  be  vested  in  subordinate  hands.     He, 
by  his  pontifical  and  royal  sanction,  conft  rs  the  cha- 
racter of  Irulh  to  his  own  faithful  subjects  upon  nrti- 
cles  offailhy  whatever  they  may  be  in  themselves :  he 
confers  upon  ceremonies,  however  frivolous,  the  vir- 
tue of  being  significant  and  edifying :  he  constitutes 
a  govcrnmcnty  however  arbitrary,  pure  and  aposto- 
lical: in  a  word,  he  defends,  he  tolerates,  he  perse- 
cutes, according  to  the  constitution  of  the  establish- 
ment over  which  he  presides  with  papal  magnifi- 
cence.    And  yet,  O  my  God  and  my  Redeemer,  to 
such  a  monarchy,  with  all  its  impious  usurpation  of 
the  rights  of  God,  do  any  of  thy  disciples  profess  an 
attachment  ?  Ah  !  how  frail  a  thing  is  man  I 

Again,  according  to  the  British  constitution, 
bishops  of  the  church  are,  by  virtue  of  lueir  office, 
members  of  parliament  and  judges  of  the  law.  They 
are  Lords  spiritual,  occupying  a  seat  in  the  upper 
house  of  legislation ;  and  the  house  of  lords  is  the 
ultimate  tribunal  of  justice.  The  privileges  of  the 
spiritual  lords  exceed  those  of  the  other  peers  of  the 
realm.  They  hold  courts  of  their  own,  of  which 
they  are  the  sole  judges :  they  issue  writs  in  a  pecu- 


Pinkerton. 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT. 


7! 


liar  style,  and  in  their  own  name  :  they  alone  can 
depute  to  others  their  authority  ;  and  the  judges  of 
the  king  cannot  sit  within  the  diocese  of  some  of 
them  without  the  bisliop's  permission.*  Such  then, 
is  this  constitution,  that  while  the  king  is  supreme 
head  of  the  church,  the  prelates  of  the  church  are 
an  essential  part  of  the  legislature  and  judiciary  of 
the  empire. 


Is  this  right?  Is  this  scriptural  ?  Is  this  agreeable 
to  the  example  of  our  Lord— conformable  to  the 
spirit  of  religion—corresponding  with  apostolical  ex- 
ample ?  And  is  it  thus,  my  hearers,  that  men  would 
exemplify  the  doctrine,  my  kingdom  is  not  of  this 
norld  /  r,  as  a  minister  of  Christ,  have  to  reason  with 
you  in  defence  of  the  right  of  making  a  few  political 
remarks  ;  and  I  cannot  flatter  myself  that  I  have  suc- 
ceeded with  you  all,  in  procuring  a  patient  hearing  : 
and  yeiy  those  ministers  of  religiouy  who  neglect  the 
paths  of  the  Lord,  and  are  themselves  become  lords 
OF  THE  LAND,  and  of  God's  heritage,  enjoy  your  sym- 
pathy :  to  that  government  you  are  attached,  and,  at 
me,  you  are  displeased  for  examining  its  character. 
Bear  with  me,  brethren,  I  would  not  wound  your  feel- 
ings unnecessarily.  I  even  sympathize  with  you  in 
your  political  obliquities.  Man  is  frail.  Even  Abra- 
ham besought  the  Lord  for  Sodom ;  and  the  Lord  dealt 
tenderly  with  his  servant,  though  he  destroyed  the 
cities  of  the  plain.  I  ask  of  you  but  the  liberty  of 
saying  to  this  part  of  the  svstem  of  British  power, 
Tckel — Thou  art  found  wantinjr. 

*^  Chamber,  03— C3.     Blackstone,  b.  1.  c.  II, 


l\w 


n 


THE   BIOKAL   CHARACTI.H   OF 


ii 


If  more  be  necessary  to  justify  me  in  tliis  applica- 
tion of  the  text,  it  will  be  found  in  the  practice^  re 
quired    by   the   combined    and   impious  power  of 
ciiurch  aij'l  -tale  over  the  British  empire — the  admi- 
nistralloii  of  tiie  sacramental  test. 

What  would  you  think  of  an  ordinance  from  tht 
congress  of  the  United  States,  requiring    11  officer? 
upon  the  civil  and  uililary  list,  under  p;  n  oi  dis- 
mission, to  take  the  sacrament?  What  would  you  say 
to  a  demand  upon  Tresbyterians,  and  Independents, 
and  Baptists,  kv.  to  forego  their  own  religious  pro- 
fession,  and   take  tlie  communion  from  Episcopal 
hands  ?  What  would  you  say  of  an  act  of  congress  that 
required  the  prostitution  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  to 
the  profane,  and  tho  ignorant,  and  the  infidel  ?  What 
would  you  say  t    me,  if  instead  of  thus  addressing 
you,  I  should  be  so  far  disposed  to  make  traffic  of 
ray  ministry,  as  to  accept  of  an  appointment  and  an 
equipage,  and  sit  with  the  consecrated  elements  at 
the  door  of  the  capitol,  to  administer  the  body  and 
the  blood  of  the  Lord,  to  the  whole  tribe  of  office- 
hunters  who  dance  attendance  in  the  hall  of  power? 
Could  you  approve  of  this  ?  would  you  tolerate  me  in 
it  ?  would  the  rulers  of  our  land  require  such  a  profa- 
nation ?  would  this  community  bear  it  ?  would  the 
ministers  of  the  church  submit  to  it?    It  is  practised 
in  England.  It  is  the  la\   of  that  land.  It  is  authorized, 
it  is  demanded  by  the  government.     It  is  observed 
by  the  ministers.  This  prostitution  is  the  door  of  ad- 
mission to  power.*  Shall  I  not  visit  for  these  things  '! 

*  Stat.  2J.  Car.  II.  Cap.  2. 


aith  th 
such  a  t 

X  77 
ral  anti 

The  c 
relation 
♦ors  of  1 
only  su| 
re  volutin 
of  those 
under  t 

'  Wr.  J 
preached  a 
'-^''ooInoUi, 
7  s<  and  C 
{lost  under 
qualify  hin 
Lord's  Supi 
enced  by  t 
would  then 
of  them  u[ 
and  notorin 
cwrsCf  and 
their  ambiti 
of  a  contei 
Vol.  V.  pp. 
"  A  man 
tenant  in  (! 
out  putting 
cording  to  t 
temptation 
of  the  rnos 
Vol  IV.  p. 


THF   BHITISII    J.OVERiNMENT. 


73 


i  applica- 
acHce,  re- 
)ower  of 
(he  admi- 


from  the 
1  officer? 
n  oi  di  j- 
[  you  say 
pendents, 
ious  pro- 
episcopal 
^ress  that 
ipper,  to 
[?  What 
Idressing 
traffic  of 
it  and  an 
menls  at 
ody  and 
jf  office- 
power  ? 
ite  me  in 
I  a  profa- 
Duld  the 
)ractised 
liorized, 
>bserved 
)r  of  ad- 
things  ! 


laith  Ihc  Lord ;  and  shall  not  my  soul  he  avenged  on 
such  a  nation  as  this  ?* 

3.  Tlie  British  government  is  a  l^an  h  of  the  gene- 
ral antichrisiian  apostacy. 

The  opposition  to  the  great  protestant  doctrine  in 
relation  to  antichrist,  which  the  English  con  nenta- 
♦ors  of  more  recent  date  have  carried  on,  found  i<s 
only  suj)pon  in  the  terror  produced  by  the  French 
revolution.  Mr.  Faber  is,  by  far,  the  most  pi  msible 
of  those  writers,  who  have  represented  lijat  nation 
under   the  Em,  ^ror   JVapoleon,    as  the    last  head 

'  Mr.  John  Newton,  a  minister  of  the  church  of  England, 
preached  a  sermon  on  this  text  in  the  parish  chiir  of  St.  Mary 
«^oolnoth,  Feb.  21,  1781,  in  which  he  spoke  as  lollows :  "  The 
7  v<  and  Corporation  Acts,  which  require  every  person  wlio  has  a 
liost  under  government,  or  a  commi  ion  in  the  army  or  navy,  to 
qualify  himself  for  his  office,  by  receiving  the  sacrament  of  the 
Lord's  Supper,  would  occasion  no  sin,  if  men  were  generally  influ- 
enced by  the  fear  of  G  >d,  or  even  a  principle  of  integrity.  They 
would  then  rather  decline  places  of  honour  or  profit,  than  accept 
of  them  upon  Puch  terms.  We  frt  (uently  see  professed  infidels, 
and  notorious  libertines,  opproach  the  LortCs  Table  as  t  matter  of 
covrse^  and  prostitute  the  moat  solemn  ordinance  of  eh.  ^tias  v  to 
their  ambition  or  interest.  I  am  afraid  we  have  bet ,  iong  guilty 
of  a  contemptuous  profanation  of  the  body  and  blood  of  Christ  " 
Vol.  V.  pp.  3,  5. 

"  A  man  canno  e  nn  exciseman,  a  custom-hoir  e  officer,  a  lieu- 
tenant in  the  army  or  nav  no,  not  o  m  eh  as  a  tide-naitrr,  with* 
out  putting  on  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  Christianity,  ac- 
cording to  the  usage  of  the  church  of  England.  Is  .t  this  a  strong 
temptation  to  profanation  and  hypocrisy  ?  Does  it  not  pervert  one 
of  the  most  solemn  in«t,  itions  of  religion  ?'"  NeaV^  [list.  Pur. 
To/.  IF.  p.  .'ia9, 

10 


m 


m 


74 


THR    MORAL   CHARACTRR   OF 


of  the  great  a])08tacy ;  and  at.  whose  downful,  by 
the  judgments  of  the  seventh  vial,  the  Millen- 
nium was  to  commence.  This  system  of  interpreta- 
tion is  now  exploded.  The  empire  of  Buonaparte 
is  no  more ;  and  yet  the  Millennium  does  not  ap- 
pear. The  manners  of  men  are  as  they  wer«d.  Ig- 
norance still  prevails.  Tyranny  and  superstition 
are  sufficiently  obvious.  The  church  is  in  the  wil- 
derness ;  and  although  the  Bourbons  are  restored, 
Europe  is  unsettled  ;  and  still  antichrist  reigns. 

According  to  the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  the 
protectant  expositors^j  not  excepting  the  English 
themselves,  that  country  has  once  been  one  of  the  ten 
horns  of  the  apocalyptical  beast,  inhuenced  by  Sa- 
tan, the  dragon.*  This  could  not  be  disputed,  be- 
cause the  land  was  geographically  within  the 
bounds  of  the  Latin  Roman  empire  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple had  submitted  to  the  Latin  Roman  religion. 

iSonie  indeed  allege,  that,  at  the  reformation,  the 
connexion  of  Britain  with  the  beast  was  dissolved; 
but,  the  scripture  prediction  does  not  justify  the  ex- 
pectation that  any  of  the  great  powers  of  Europe 
should  be  severed  from  that  connexion,  for  centuries, 
or  even  any  considerable  time,  before  the  genera! 
destruction  of  the  man  of  sin.  The  history  of  that 
country,  the  tyranny  and  superstition  of  Henry 
VIII ;  the  persecutions  carried  on  against  the  sainti?, 
during  the  continuance  of  the  succession  in  the 
Stuart  race ;  and  the  terrible  bloodshed  caused  by 

'  Rev.  xiJi. 


Charles 
both  F 
of  Eiig 
fore  th 
land, 
sition. 
cause  o 
the  thr 
were  n 
blood  ( 
country 
under  tl 
aiid  c  y 

Noc< 
ry  affor 
ion  witli 
the  grej 
poured  i 
nexion  1 
but  in  n 
ly  and  j 

Propl 
tish  emp 
charactt 
ceding 
The  Er 
ture.  A 
state,  in 
is  prost 


THE   BKiriSII   GOVERNMENT. 


7^ 


vnful,  by 
Millen- 
iterpreta- 
lonapaile 
;s  not  ap- 
ei<d.  Ig- 
[)ergtition 
I  the  wil- 
restorecl, 
igns. 

•f  all  the 

English 
of  the  ten 
id  by  Sa- 
)uted,  be- 
ithin    the 

the  pec- 
lion. 

ition,  the 
lissolved; 
•y  the  ex- 
f  Europe 
:enturies, 
5  general 
y  of  that 
f  Henry 
he  saints, 
n  in  the 
aused  bv 


Charles  11.  and  James,  his  successor  and  brother, 
bofh  Popish  tyrants,  completely  set  adide  liie  idea 
of  Eiigland's  ceasing  to  be  a  horn  of  tlie  beast,  be- 
fore the  revolution  of  1688,  under  William  of  Hol- 
land. Nor  does  that  event  itself  justify  the  suppo- 
sition. Much  was  certainly  gained  by  it  to  the 
cause  of  both  religion  and  liberty.  The  tyranny  of 
the  throne,  and  the  persecutions  arising  from  it, 
were  mitigated,  but  not  abolished.  If  protestani 
blood  does  not  flow  as  formerly,  the  saints,  in  that 
countiy,  the  successors  of  the  martyrs,  still  labour 
under  the  frowns  of  power,  marked  by  ecclesiastical 
aiid  c  yil  pains  and  disabilities. 

No  country,  it  appears  from  the  prospective  histo- 
ry afforded  in  propliecy,  which  was  once  in  connex- 
ion with  the  beast,  is  to  be  perfectly  separated  from 
the  great  apostacy  until  the  seventh  vial  shall  have 
poured  out  its  plagues.  The  Jifth  has  shaken  the  con- 
nexion by  the  partial  reformation  of  several  nations; 
but  in  no  instance  has  the  connexion  been  complete- 
ly and  permanently  dissolved. 

Prophecy  excludes  the  idea,  of  considering  the  Bri- 
tish empire  as  removed  from  the  Latin  Earth :  and,  the 
character  of  its  governmenty  as  shown  under  the  pre- 
ceding articles,  demonstrates  its  antichristianism. 
The  English  establishment  is,  itself,  of  a  beastly  na- 
ture. An  unhallowed  connexion  between  church  and 
state,  in  which  civil  liberty  suffers,  and  true  religion 
is  prostituted,  can  never  be  reconciled  with  that  It- 


:a 


herty 


THE    MOUAL    CHARACTER   O* 


wherewith  Christ  has  made  us  free.    It  is  an  an- 
tichristian  polity.     1  add  to  these  a  third  argument, 
drawn  from  the  consideration  of  recent  events.    The 
present  king  did  take,  as  the  condition  of  the  crown 
of  Corsica,  an  ofith  to  support  the  Popish  religion  f 
and  he  is  at  tlie  head  of  the  establishment  of  the  same 
failh  in  the  province  of  Lower  Canada,  in  connexion 
with  the  church  of  England.     By  his  arms,  by  the 
wealth  of  his  empire,  and  by  the  blood  of  his  sub- 
jects, he  has  proved  the  principal  stay  of  the  anti- 
christian  polity  in  Europe.    The  restoration  of  the 
Bourbons,  of  the  Pope,  and  of  the  Inquisition,  suffi- 
ciently show  that  he  is  in  fact  a  pillar  of  the  great 
throne  of  the  man  of  sin.    The  Britisii  government, 
once    a  brancli  of  the   apostacy,   still    witiiin    the 
bounds  of  the  symbolical  earth,  actually  antichris- 
tian  in  its  own  character,  and  now  the  chief  stay  of 
the  beast's  authority,  must  necessarily  be  considered 
as  continuing  to  be  one  of  the  ten  kings  or  horns, 
which  agree  to  give  their  power  to  the  great  cor- 
ruption of  moral  order  in  the  world. 

The  guilt  of  a  nation,  or  an  individual,  is  in  pro- 
portion to  the  privileges  enjoyed,  and  the  actual  im- 
morality. That  country  was  the  most  favoured  of 
the  nations.  None  had  attained  to  so  much  Ijaht 
and  reformation.  It  was  once,  although  onlylDy 
compulsion  on  the  part  of  the  crown  and  the  prelacy, 
in  solenm  league  and  covenant  with  God.     It  ha^' 


179.1. 


i 


THE   BRITISH    tiOVKRNMKNT. 


77 


IS  an  an< 
rgument, 
its.  The 
le  crown 
sligion  ;* 
the  same 
annexion 
s,  by  the 
his  sub- 
the  anti- 
n  of  the 
on,  suffi- 
iie  great 
ernment, 
til  in  the 
intichris- 
r  stay  of 
nsidered 
>r  hornSf 
reat  cor- 


m  pro- 
tual  im- 
)ured  of 
ch  light 
inly  by 
>relacy, 

It  ha^ 


broken,  like  treacherous  Judah,  and  backsliding  Is- 
rael, its  covenant ;  it  has  shed,  like  Chaldea,  the  blood 
of  the  martyrs ;  and,  although  persecution  unto 
death  hath  ceased,  f  his  apostate  nation  still  persists  in 
the  course  of  policy  which  the  persecutor  intro- 
duced—a course  of  opposition  to  true  religion  and 
regular  ecclesiastical  order.  Ye  are  Ike  ciiildren  of 
them,  that  killed  the  prophets.  Fill  ye  up  then  the  mea- 
sure of  your  fathers,"^  In  applying  the  sacred  mea- 
sure to  every  branch  of  the  apostacy,  we  cannot  but 
pronounce  it  wanting, 

4.  The  British  government  is  Erastian  in  its  con- 
stitution and  administration. 

The  expression,  Erastian,  is  not  so  well  under- 
stood in  this  country,  where  the  practice  is  happily 
in  a  great  measure  un:;nown,  as  in  the  European 
world,  where  it  almost  universally  prevails.  Certain 
systems,  both  of  religion  and  of  human  science,  are, 
sometimes,  stamped  with  the  names  of  distinguished 
men,  who  appear  in  their  illustration  and  defence, 
although  the  principles  themselves  may  have  had  a 
very  different  origin.  The  names  of  Calvin  and 
Arminius,  are  attached  to  systems  which  existed  since 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  to  the  ftillen  world. 
We  speak  of  the  Newtonian  Philosophy,  of  Galvan- 
ism, &c.  because  ihe  laws  of  nature,  ancient  as  crea- 
tion itself,  were  illustrated  in  an  able  manner  by  men 
of  such  names.     The  phrase  Erastian  often  occurs 


*  Math,  xxiii.  31. 


Hi 


THE   MORAL   CJfARACTER   OF 


in  the  history  of  British  controversies  about  religion 
and  government. 


;i»!i' 


Thomas  Erastvs  was  hoth  a  divine  and  physician. 
He  was  learned  and  active,  and  influential  among  the 
distinguished  men  of  that  very  remarkable  age  in 
which  he   lived :  an  age,  which  roused  by  an  extra- 
ordinary impulse,  the  human  mind  from  the  lethargy 
under  which  it  had  long  laboured — the  era  of  the 
reformation.     Born  in  Baden  of  Switzerland,  in  the 
year  1624,  and  educated  in  Bazil  and  Bologna,  he 
practised  physic  at  the  court  of  tlie  elector  Palatine, 
and  became  professor  in  the  university  of  Heidel- 
berg.    In  his  book  on  Excomnnmicationy  he  deve- 
lopes  those  principles  which  hare  since  been  called 
by  his  name.     That  Christ  and  hi^  apostle*  prescrib- 
ed no  forms  of  ^liscipline  for  the  church — ikmi  the 
supreme   ecclesiastical  power  belongs  to  the  civil 
magistrate — that  ministers   are  only   teachers   pos- 
sessed of  the  right  of  public  persuasion — That  to  the 
government  of  the  state  belongs  the  right  of  admit- 
ting members  into  the  church,  and  excluding  them 
from  it — That  the  church  of  Christ  is  a  department 
of  the  civil  commonwealth,  a^'e   the  sentiments  of 
Erastus.    These  have   always  l>een  the  prevailing 
sentiments  of  the  court  of  Great  Britain,  since  the 
time  of  Henry  VIIl.     The  clergy  of  the  church  of 
England,  from  Cramner  to  Wkilgift,*  were  of  Eras- 

*  "  Bishop  Warhurlon  inrorms  us,  from  Schkn  ile  Si/ncdriiSi  that 
Erastus's  lamoiishook  de  cxcommunicatione  was  purchased  by  Whit- 
gift,  of  Erastus's  widow  in  Germany,  and  put  hy  him  to  the  press  in 
London,  under  ficlifious  names  of  both  the  [dace  and  the  printer^'" 
Supplemental  Vol.  IVarburt.  irorka,  p.  473. 


THE   BRITISH    GOVERNMENT, 


76 


tian  principles.  Bancroft  was  the  first  to  maintain 
the  divine  right  of  the  episcopacy  ;  and  even  since 
his  day,  the  great  body  of  the  English  hierarchy 
view  tiie  church  «  as  a  mere  creature  of  the  state.''* 
Indeed,  the  Puritans  themselves,  both  the  ministers 
and  the  members  of  Parliament,  were  willing  at  first 
to  subscribe,  with  but  little  variation,  to  Eraslian  sen- 
timents, although  disposed  to  a  greater  degree  of 
liberty,  in  religion  and  civil  concerns,  than  was 
consistent  with  the  pleasure  of  the  court  and  the 
bishops.f  It  was  not,  until  the  Scottish  commission- 
ers explained,  in  the  Assembly  of  Divines,  the  true 
polity  of  the  churcli  of  God,  as  a  spiritual  empire, 
having  its  own  officers  and  laws,  under  the  head 
Jesus  Christ,  that  the  English  ministers  fully  under- 
stood the  distinction.;-   To  the  faithful  labours  of  the 


*  These  are  the  wonls  of  Neal,  in  his  history  of  the  Puritans, 
who  also  confirms  the  remarks  I  have  made.     rol.  I,  p.  510. 

t  Tim  i«ai-  the  substance  of  the  petition  signed  by  seven  hun- 
dred ministers  m  the  year  1041.  The  parliament  were  of  the 
snmr  ^uttti,  and  claimed  the  power  of  reforming  the  church  as  an 
ioherea^  i4j^. 

X  In  that  v«.«MTable  Assembly  of  Divines,  which  compiled  our 
admirable  Confession  of  Faith  and  other  ecclesiastical  standards,  th« 
very  learned  Scldcn  had  a  seat.  He,  assisted  by  the  counsel,  and 
the  rabinnical  learning  of  Coleman  and  Lightfoot,  and  supported 
by  the  national  feelings,  and  «he  prejudices  or  opinions  of  the  par- 
liament, argued  the  cause  of  Erastianism  in  the  grand  otBATn 
upon  ecclesiastical  order.  The  quentioD  excited  immense  interest ; 
the  whole  church,  a  %ft>^t  nation,  awftitfd  the  result  with  anxiety, 

George  Gillespie,  one  of  the  ministers  ot  Edin*.orgh,  and  a  com- 
missioner to  the  Assembly  from  the  church  of  ^^lland,  was  ob- 
served to  be  engagefl  »)cca><i()nally  with  His  pen,  while  Selden  spoke. 
U  was  supposed  he  was  taking  notes  of  tlie  argument.    He,  too, 


m 


THE    MORAL   CHARACTER   OF 


^'- 


!" 


d' 


111 


church  of  Scotland,  the  christian  world  is  indebted, 
under  the  blessing  of  God,  for  the  prevalence  of  a 

was  learned,  and  of  great  reading ;  but  he  whs  young,  pious,  mo- 
dest, and  a  stranger  in  London.  He  liad  not  acquired  celebrity. 
Some  or  the  most  grave  and  pious  divines  had  a  previous  opportuni- 
ty of  satisfying  themselves  as  to  his  views  of  divine  truth.  They 
knew  the  sentiments  of  the  church  which  he  represented,  to  be 
anti-craatian.  They  went  to  his  chair,  and  requested  him  to  speak. 
They  inquired  if  he  had  taken  notes.  He  was  silent.  They  saw 
the  paper  on  which  he  had  written.  The  only  words  upon  it 
were,  give  light,  Lord,  and  direction.  These  were  often  re- 
peated. "  Rise,  George,"  said  a  venerable  friend,  "  Rise  and  de- 
fend your  principles,  your  country,  your  church,  and  the  king('om 
of  your  God — Rise  up,  man,  and  defend  the  right  of  the  Lord  Je- 
sus Christ  to  govern,  by  his  own  laws,  the  church  which  he  pur- 
chased with  his  blood.  Mr.  Gillespie  complied.  He  began  by  giv- 
ing a  summary  of  the  argument  of  his  learned  antagonist,  distin- 
guishing the  several  principles  which  it  involved,  and  then  request- 
ed to  be  corrected  if  he  made  an  unfair  statement,  fcjelden  replied, 
if  Mr.  Gillespie  will  refute  these  principles  with  the  same  accura- 
cy with  which  he  has  stated  them,  the  controversy  is  over.  Mr. 
Gillespie  had  in  his  hand  a  two-edged  sword.  He  contended  suc- 
cessfully for  the  prerogatives  of  his  Redeemer's  crovvn,  and  the  in- 
dependency of  Christ's  kingdom.  He  triumphed.  Mr.  Selden 
himself  observed,  with  astonishment,  "  This  young  man  by  his 
speech  has  swept  away  the  learning  and  labour  of  my  life."  Eras- 
tianism  was  condemned,  aud  presbytery  established  by  the  West- 
minster Assembly. 

The  parliament  was  unwilling  to  yield.  There,  Mr.  Selden  had 
also  a  seat.  His  hand  was  seen  in  the  scruples  and  delays  employ- 
ed in  the  House  of  Commons  against  the  establishment  of  the  pres- 
byterian  regimen.  The  Scottish  commissioners  remonstrated.  The 
London  ministers  also  petitioned.  Commissioners  from  parliament 
met  with  a  committee  of  the  Assembly;  but  to  the  exertions  of  Mr. 
Henderson,  another  of  the  Scottish  commissioners ;  supported  by  the 
voice  of  Scotland,  and  the  fear  of  losing  the  cooperation  of  the 
Scottish  army  in  the  war  against  the  royalists,  the  reluctant  ac- 
quiescence of  the  English  Parliament  is  to  be  ascribed. 


THE   BRITISH   OOVERNMENT. 


81 


principle,  now  universally  understood,  and,  in  thi;^ 
country,  reduced  to  practice  by  all  ecclesiastical 
bodies — that  the  church  is  a  distinct  society^  with  an 
organization  of  its  own.  This  important  doctrine  is 
of  divine  authority.  Its  truth  hath  been  attested"  by 
the  blood  of  the  martyrs :  and  tlie  kingdoms,  which 
oppose  this  part  of  the  faith  delivered  to  the  saints, 
are  guilty  of  rebellion  against  the  King  of  kings ^  and 
Lord  of  lords. 


The  Eraslianism  of  the  present  British  constitu- 
Hon  of  government,  will  now  be  made  apparent. 

The  civil  government  makes  tiie  established 
church,  with  the  king  as  its  supreme  head,  an  essen- 
tial part  of  the  national  polity — It  settles,  by  Parlia- 
mentary law,  the  conditioii  of  ministerial  fellowship- 
It  determines  the  faith  to  be  professed — It  prescribes 
forms  of  prayer  to  be  offered  from  the  pulpit — It 
inflicts  the  severest  censures  of  the  church — and  exr 
ercises,  exclusively,  the  power  of  convoking  the  su- 
perior judicatories.  Read,  for  yourselves,  the  re- 
ferences which  I  make,  and  then  decide  upon  the  ac- 
curacy of  this  statement. 

The  church,  under  the  headship  of  the  reigning 
prince,  whether  male  or  female,  it  matters  not,  is,  in 
fact,  a  department  of  the  state. 

The  British  rponr.rch  has  assumed  all  that  power 
in  his  dominions  *'  over  all  persons  and  all  causes, 
whether  civil  or  ecclesiastic,"  whicli  the  P^pe  ciaim- 

n 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 


cd  ;  and  the  Parliament  have  secured  by  statute  this 
prero^rative  of  the  crown.  The  declaration  of 
Cieorffe  I.  who  styles  liiuiself  Defender  of  the  Faith, 
and  Sftpreme  Governor  of  the  Church  in  his  domin- 
ions, proceeding  upon  this  principle,  requires  that 
the  ckrfry^  before  they  can  settle  any  differences  about 
the  external  polity  of  the  church,  must  first  obtain 
leave  under  his  broad  seal* 


h  is  provided  by  the  treaty  of  union  between  Eng> 
land  and  Scotland,  that  Ihe  church  of  Enoland,  wiii 
all  the  civil  power  given  into  the  hands  of  the  prea- 
cy,  shall  be  preserved  entire,  and  this  is  declared  to 
be  an  essential  fundamental  part  of  the  union.  The 
temporal  power  of  the  lords  spiritual,  the  spiritual 
supreniac/  of  the  monarch,  together  with  the  pros- 
titution of  the  most  distinguishing  badge  of  christian 
profession  in  the  sacramental  test,  prove  beyond  a 
ddubt  that  the  church  and  state  are  combined  into 
one  great  corrupt  and  impious  system  of  misrule  . 
and  Justifies  the  charge  of  Erastiaiiism  against  the 
British  Constitution. 

In  the  Act  for  an  union  of  the  two  kingdoms  of 
Emrland  and  Scotland,  provision  is  made  for  render- 
ing the  English  hierarchy  perpetual:  and  the  church 
of  Scotland,  although  in  form  Presbyterian,  has  been 
constrained  to  submit  to  Erastianism,  not  merely  by 
her  members  supporting  the  English  religious  esta^ 
bhshmenti  but  also,  as  essential  to  their  own.     The 

•  Dec.  George  t  June  T3tb,  1715. 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT. 


U3 


Scottish  establishment  is  itself  Erastian.    The  civil 
power  sETTLts  tlie  condition  of  ministerial  fellowship 
in  the  church.     At  the  revolution,  king  William  ad- 
dressed letters  patent  to  both  the  Presbyterian  and 
Episcopalian  clergy,  determining  the  conditions  up- 
on which  they  must  Join  together.     In  the  letter  of 
February  1690,  addressed  to  the  General  Assembly, 
his  Majesty  says  to  the  highest  judicatory  of  the 
the  church,  «  fVe  have  thought  good  to  signify  our 
pleasure  to  i/ou,  that  you  make  no  distinctif)n  of  men, 
otherwise  well  qualified  for  the  ministry,  who  are 
wjlling  to  join  with  you  in  the  acknowledgment  of, 
and  submission  to  the  government  of  church  and  stale, 
as  it  is  by  law  now  established,  though  they  have 
formerly  complied  to  the  introducing  of  episcopa- 
cy ;  and  that  ye  give  them  no  disturbance  upon  that 
head." 


In  the  letter  of  the  1.0th  .Tune  thereafter,  it  is  or- 
dained, «  That  neither  the  Assembly,  nor  any  com- 
mission or  church  meeting,  do  meddle  in  any  process 
or  business  that  may  concern  the  purging  out  of 
episcopal  ministers." 

In  the  letter  of  January  1692,  to  the  episcopal 
clergy,  the  language  is  equally  dictatorial.  «  We 
doubt  not  of  your  applying  to.  and  heartily  meeting 
and  concurring  with  your  brethren,  the  Presbyterian 
ministers,  in  the  terms  which  we  have  been  at  pains 
TO  ADJUST  for  you.'* 

It  is  provided,  too,  by  act  of  parliament,  "  That 
none  be  admitted  or  continued  ministers,  who  do  not 


84 


THE   MORAL    (JHAKACTEIl   01' 


lii 


take  the  oaths  thereby  prescribed,  and  observe  uni- 
formity of  worship,  &c.  as  the  same  are,  or  shall  he 
allowed  by  authority  of  parliament."* 

The  civil  power  determines,  of  its  own  accord,  the 
rule  of  faith  to  be  professed  by  those  ministers  who 
are  thus  admitted  or  continued,  and  for  the  whole 
church  in  which  they  serve.  Without  ever  calling 
an  Assembly,  and  without  any  reference  to  former 
ecclesiastical  acts,  the  parliament  read  and  voted  the 
Westminster  Confession  of  Faith  as  the  public  con- 
fession of  both  church  and  nation.f 

The  king  and  parliament,  no  doubt,  with  the  aid 
of  the  Lords  spiritual  have   provided  for   all   the 
clergy  of  the  Presbyterian  establishment,  the  form 
of  prayer  to  be  used  for  tlie  king  and  the  royal 
family  ;  and  it  must  be  used  under  pain  of  exclusion 
from  the  ministry  of  the  church.J     Nor  is  this  the 
only  case  in  which  the  civil  power  assumes  the  right 
of  deposing  ministers  from  the  pastoral  charge,  how- 
ever well  they  may  be  received  by  their  people,  and 
liowever  great  the  attachment  between  them  and 
their  flocks.    Ministers  who  did  not  appear  before  a 
certain  day  prescribed  by  theact,5j  "are  hereby,  ipso 
facto,  deprived  of  their  respective  kirks   and  sti- 
pends, and  the  same  declared  vacant  without  any 
iurther  sentence."    Under  a  similar  penalty,  queen 
Anne  enforced  the  oath  of  abjuration.     George  L 

*  Wjliiam  and  Mary,  Par.  1 .  Ses?.  4.  Act  23.    f  Par.  1 C90. 
I  1005,  Act  23.    1700,  Act  2.  and  1706,  Act  6. 
§  Act  27.  Scs9.  5.  Pari.  1.  William  and  Marr. 


THE   BRITISH   OOVFRNMENT. 


85 


extended  the  requisition  to  students  on  trial,  to 
schoolmasters,  and  to  all  masLrs  in  the  universities.* 
George  II.  required  an  actt  relative  to  a  certain 
Capt.  Porteus,  to  be  read  from  all  the  pulpits  in 
Scotland,  once  on  every  Lord's  day  for  a  whole 
year,  «  and  in  case,"  the  act  of  parliament  says, 
«  such  minister  shall  neglect  to  read  this  act,  he  shall 
for  the  first  offence  be  declared  incapable  of  sitting 
or  voting  in  any  church  judicatory ;  and  for  the  se- 
cond offence,  be  declared  incapable  of  taking,  hold- 
ing, or  enjoying  any  ecclesiastical  benefice." 

The  exercise  of  Erastian  supremacy  extendi  to 
the  settlement  of  ministers  in  a  congregation.  It  is 
not  there,  as  in  this  country.  The  people  do  not 
elect  their  own  pastor.  The  appointment  is  vested 
originally  in  the  crown,  although  usually  transferred 
into  a  few  of  the  most  noble  and  wealthy  in  the 
land.  The  patron  gives  the  church  to  his  friend ; 
and  if  the  people  make  any  opposition,  a  company 
of  armed  men  induct  the  pastor  into  office.  «  The 
Pope,"  said  a  distinguished  lawyer,  "claimed the  right 
6f  the  patronage  of  every  kirk,  to  which  no  third  party 
could  show  a  special  title ;  but  since  the  reforma- 
tion, the  crown,  as  coming  in  place  of  the  Pope,  is 
considered  as  universal  patron,  where  no  riglit  of 
patronage  appears  in  a  subject."^ 

I  have  only  further  to  observe,  that  the  king  sum- 
mons at  his  pleasure,  the  supreme  judicatories  of  the 

*ActG.  1706.  tActl?37. 

t  Erskine's Prill.  Law  of  Scot.  Book  I.  Tit.  5. 


Bh 


1«E    MOKAL    ClIAUACTEU   OK 


chui-ch ;  adjourns  and  dissolves  fhem  as  much  as  the 
civil  legislature.  In  ordinary  cases,  they  who  com- 
pose llie  General  Assembly,  are  sufficientl.  obse- 
quious, and  are  of  course  permitted  to  meet  and  de- 
part at  a  certain  season  of  the  year  without  compul- 
sion :  but  instances  have  repeatedly  occurred,  when 
the  fact  was  otherwise,  and  the  uniform  tenor  of  the 
commission  under  which  they  meet,  maintains  the 
supremacy  of  the  crown.^ 

I  dismiss  tliis  disagreeable  subject,  with  a  quota- 
tion from  the  public  records  of  two  respectable  bo- 
dies of  professed  christians  in  the  British  empire. 
From  their  words  you  will  immediately  perceive, 
that  while  1  am  describing  the  Erastianism  of  the 
constitution  of  government,  I  speak  the  language, 
not  of  an  individual,  but  of  churches,  even  in  that 
country. 


M'  I 


-   rt 


I  begin  with  the  judicial  declaration  of  the  seces- 
sion CHURCH. 

"  It  is  peculiarly  incumbent  upon  every  civil  state 
whereunto  Christianity  is  introduced,  to  study  and 
bring  to  pass,  that  civil  government  among  them,  in  all 
the  appurtenances  of  its  constitution  and  administra- 
tion, run  in  an  agreeableness  to  the  word  of  God;  be 
subservient  unto  the  spiritual  kingdom  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  to  the  interests  of  the  true  religion.  By 
the  good  hand  of  God,  the  estates  of  England,  but 

*  The  style  i»,  «  Thm  seeing  by  our  decree,  (ui  Assembly  is  to 
mtetf  d'c." 


^HE   L    .nsn   GOVi!:R.\ME.\T. 


87 


more  r  pecially  of  Scotland,  were  inspired  with  a 
nobI(  uid  predominant  zeal  for  the  house  of  God,  in 
an  Its  .aluabJe  institutions:  and  attained  to  a  consi- 
d.  ^bie  pitch  of  uvil  r,,  rmation  subservient  to  the 
sa  .  It  IS  obse  vabl^  that  Sco//a„<;,  the  reforma- 
tion  of  he  church  hn  '  ..  in  a  beautiful  ordei, 
F  ceded  and  mtroauced  uie  ^formation  of  the  state." 

"  It  w  IS  nc  .ong,  till  this  beautiful  work  was  smc- 
thered,  by  the  -.voful  apostacy  at,  and  after,  tl,e  re- 
storation of  king  Charles  II." 

"The  fatal  overthro  of  the  former  civil  refor- 
oiation;  the  devastation  of  the  house  an.  heritage  of 
God;  the  unparalleled  course  of  pei.  .ry,  treachery, 
tyranny,  against  the  King,  cause,  and  subjects  of 
-fiion,  and  against  the  liberties  of  mankind;  are  laid 
open  in  the  act  and  testimony.  It  is  to  be  feared, 
the  guilt  thereof  ,s  still  lying  upon  the  throne,  the  b^ 
dy  politic,  and  all  ranks  in  these  lands." 

"  Thus  our  ancient  civil  reformation  has  been 
apostatized  from,  and  grievously  defaced-^reat 
guilt  and  wrath  from  the  Lord  is  still  lying  and  in- 
creasing  upon  the  body  politic.  Moreover,  as  our 
civil  settlement  has  been  thus  corrupted,  so  it  hath 
natively  issued  in  a  course  of  defective  and  corrupt 
admimstrations.  All  the  legal  securities  given  to 
this  church,  from  1638  to  1650,  were  overlooked- 
such  were  retained  in  places  of  public  trust,  and  in 
m.itary  office,  as  were  enemies  to  our  reformation, 
and  hud  been  deeply  involved  in  the  horrid  defec- 


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23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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THE   MOBAL   CIIARACTEU   OF 


t 


iiouy  persecution,  and  bloodshed  of  the  former  period. 
The  power  and  privileges  of  the  church  were  en- 
croached upon,  as  indeed  by  the  act  1592,  according 
to  which  presbytery  was  settled  at  the  revolution, 
the  Assembly  is  deprived  of  power,  where  the  king 
or  his  commissioner  are  present,  to  nominate  and 
appoint  time  and  place  for  their  next  meeting." 

A  very  sinful  and  sad  encroachment  was  made 
upon  the  costly  and  valuable  privileges  of  the  Lord's 
people,  and  a  door  opened  for  the  corruption  of  the 
church,   and  the  ruin  of  souls,  while  the  right  of 
patronages,  which   had  been  abolished  in  the  year 
1649,  was  again  restored.    This  kingdom  hath  be* 
come  subject  to  a  parliament,  whereof  the  bishops 
of  England   are  constituent  members ;  and  an  at- 
tempt is  made  to  force  the  members  of  this  church 
unto  an  approbation  of  the  English  hierarchy.    A 
bold  and  fatal  encroachment  was  made,  1737,  upon 
the  headship  of  Zion's  King,  by  that  Erastian  act 
anent   Capt.  John  Porteus  *     By  the    above-men- 
tioned apostacy  and  corruption  in  the  settlement  and 
administration  of  ihe  present  civil  government,   the 
measure  of  guilt  upon  the  body  politic,  and  their 

•  This  man  commanded  the  town-guard  of  Edinburgh.  Piqued 
at  the  populace,  he  ordered  his  men  to  fire  upon  them,  and  killed 
and  wounded  many.  He  was  tried  and  condemned  by  the  civil  au- 
thority, to  suffer  death  as  a  murderer.  He  was  a  base  man.  The 
king  reprieved  him.  The  people  took  him  from  prison  and  gave 
him  a  public  execution.  Every  minister  was  commanded  to  read 
from  the  pulpit,  a  declaration  of  parliament  upon  this  subject,  of- 
fering a  reward  for  a  discovery  of  any  one  concerned  in  the  deed. 
Not  one  was  ever  disrovered.    Scotland  had  no  informer?. 


mer  period, 
h  were  en- 
,  according 
revolution, 
re  the  king 
ninate  and 
Jting." 

was  made 
the  Lord's 
tion  of  the 
e  right  of 
1  the  year 
n  hath  be- 
he  bishops 
ind  an  at- 
[lis  churcii 
archy.    A 
737,  upon 
astian  act 
bove-men- 
ement  and 
menty   the 
and  their 

■gh.  Piqued 
I,  and  killed 
the  civil  au- 
man.  The 
)n  and  gave 
ided  to  read 
subject,  of- 
in  the  deed. 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMENT.  gg 

Legislators  is  greatly  filled  up."    These  quotations 
are  from  Gibs.  Display  of  the  Sec.  Test.  Vol  1  n 

^vhetler  m  Europe  or  America,  Indeed,  a.  to  the 
moral  character  of  the  constitution  of  government  in 
that  country,  there  has  not  been  much  diversity  of 
opinion  among  pious  men  who  understand  it.  All 
admit  its  iiiipiety. 

The  following  quotation  shows  the  light  in  which 
the  Reformed  Presbyterian  Church,  in  the  British  do- 
minions, view  the  national  government. 

"  .yhen  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  cast  off  the  au- 
thority  of  the  See  of  Rome,  he  did,  at  the  same  time, 
assume  to  himself  all  that  power  in  his  dominions, 
which  the  Pope  formerly  claimed  ;  and  soon  after- 
wards procured  to  have  himself  acknowledged  and 
declared  by  act  of  parliament,  to  be  'iead  of  the 
CHURCH.     This  Anlichristian    Supremacy  has  ever 
since  continued  an  essential  part  of  the  English  con- 
stitution, and  inherent  right  of  the   crow^n       I'he 
British  monarch  confines  not  his  spiritual  suprema- 
cy to  the  church  of  England,  but  extends  it  also 
over  the  church  of  Scotland."* 

« In  the.revolution  of  1 688,  the  settlement  of  reli-ion 
IS  not  a  religious,  but  a  mere  civil  and  political  one 
Jt  appears  quite  inconsistent  with  the  revolution  set- 
tlement, to  consider  church  power  in  any  other  light 
than  as  subordinate  to  the  power  of  the  state.f     We' 

■  Act.  Dec.  and  Test.  1 797.  p.  76.        f  Idem.  p.  eo-62 

12 


90 


■^V  (If! 


THE   MOKAL   CHARACTER  Of 


have  ihe  idolatrous  institutions  of  Prelacy,  establish- 
ed in  the  one  nation ;  and  Erastianism,  under  the 
specious  pretext  of  Presbytery,  in  the  other :  and 
both  under  an  exotic  head  of  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment. As  the  Constitutions,  of  both  church  and 
stale,  were  Erastian  and  antiscriptural ;  so  their  con- 
duct ever  since  has  been  agreeable  thereto ;  tending 
evidently  to  discover  that,  while  the  state  is  robbing 
ovr  Redeemer  of  his  crown,  and  his  church  of  her  li- 
hertiesy  the  church,  instead  of  testifying  against, 
gives  consent  to  these  impieties.*  It  would  be  end- 
less to  attempt  an  enumeration  of  all  the  instances  of 
the  exercise  of  Erastianism,  which  is  annually  re- 
newed. How  often,  alas  !  have  the  Assemblies  been 
prorogued,  raised,  and  dissolved,  by  magistratical  au- 
thority, and  sometimes  without  nomination  of  ano- 
ther diet !  how  frequently,  also,  have  they  been  re- 
stricted in  their  proceedings,  and  prelimited  as  to 
members,  and  matters  to  be  treated  of  and  discussed 
therein ;  depriving  some  members  of  their  liberty  to 
sit  and  act  as  members,  though  regularly  chosen ! 
all  which  exercise  of  Erastian  supremacy  natively 
results  from  the  parliamentary  settlement."! 


6.  Tf  the  congress  of  the  United  States,  in  the  year 
1776,  were  correct  in  ascribing  cruelty  to  the  poli- 
cy of  the  British  government,  it  is  easy  to  show  the 
continuance  of  the  same  disposition  until  the  present 
day. 


P.  83. 


f  P.  64. 


ii    ■> 


THE  BRITISH   GOVERNMENT. 


91 


In  the  Declaration  of  Tndependence,  the  Fathers 
of  American  liberty  assert,  tiiat  «  tlie  history  of  the 
present  king  of  Great  Britain,  is  a  history  of  repeated 
injuries  and    usurpations.     He   has  plundered  our 
seas,  ravaged  our  coasts,  burnt  our  towns,  and  de- 
stroyed the  lives  of  our  people.    He  is  at  this  time, 
transporting  large  nrmies  of  foreign  mercenaries,  to 
complete  the  work  of  death,  desolation,  and  tyranny, 
already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy  scarcely  paralleled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages, 
and  totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 
He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive 
on  the  high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country, 
to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and  b -e- 
thren,  or  to  fall  themselves  by  their  hands.     He  hus 
excited  domestic  insurrections  amongst  I's,  and  has 
endeavoured  to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  fron- 
tiers, the  merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule 
of  warfare  is  an  undistinguished  destruction  of  all 
ages,  sexes,  and  conditions."* 


England  is  secure  in  her  vast  possessions  in  Asia  ; 
and  such  is  the  frame  of  government  for  her  territo- 
ries in  the  East,  as  rarely  to  admit  of  discussion, 
either  in  the  parliament  or  in  her  newspapers. 
Therefore  popular  feeling  is  never  excited  about  the 
operations  of  peace  and  war  in  that  country,  as  it  is 
about  the  several  events  which  come  to  pass  in  the 
kingdoms  of  Europe.  Among  the  princes  of  Hin- 
dostan,  Great  Britain  has  rioted  for  half  a  century, 


*  Dec.  Am.  Imlppemlence. 


92 


THE   MOKAL   CHARACTER  OK 


with  a  policy  most  cruel  and  perfidious,  without  pro- 
voking discussion,  or  commanding  general  attention, 
either  in  England  or  America.  There,  under  the 
plausible  plea,  which  tyranny  never  fails  to  employ, 
of  granting  prolcction  for  territory  to  the  weaker 
states,  the  British  power  has  effected  more  revolu- 
tions in  the  course  of  a  few  years,  than  have  been 
elfeeted  in  Europe  since  the  troubles  in  France  com- 
menced. The  native  sovereignties  of  India  have 
been  deceived,  divided,  and  conquered :  and  their 
only  recompense  for  the  power  and  the  territory 
which  they  surrendered,  consists  in  the  loss  of  their 
liberty  and  independence. 

The  usurpations,  and  the  rapacity,  and  cruelty  as- 
cribed to  the  late  Emperor  of  France,  are  exceeded  in 
degree  and  permanence  by  the  British  government 
of  India.     In  a  political  point  of  view,  the  miseries 
ol  Asia  are  not  immediately  interesting ;  but  in  the 
estimate   of  moral  character,  the  remoteness  from 
lis  of  the  scene  of  action,  must  not  prevent   our 
taking  these  enormities  into  the  account.     In  rela- 
tion to  them,  the  most  abject  flatterers  of  British 
greatness  have  no  apology  to  offer.     These  ne  not 
defensive  wars.    They  are  the  offspring  of  tL.  lust  of 
power  and  of  wealth.     None  of  the  Nabobs  of  the 
Carnalic  or  of  Ovde ;  neither  Timur,  the  hero  of  Pa- 
niput,  nor  Tippoo  Sidtan,  nor  the  Great  Mogul,  ever 
threatened  an  invasion  of  the  islands  of  Britain  and 
Ireland.     «  To  interfere  actively  in  the  domestic  af- 
taiis  of  all  other  states;  to  regulate  the  succession 
ot  then-  governors;  to  take  part  in  every  quarrel ; 


I- 


IHK    BRITISH   60VEHNMEM'. 


93 


10  elaim  the  lands  of  one  party  for  assisting  him, 
and  seize  the  lands  of  the  other,  after  boating  him 
to  get  allies  by  force,  and  take  care  that  nobody 
■iball  rob  them  but  ourselves;  to  quarter  troops  u,; 
on  our  neighbours,  and  pay  them  with  our  neiMi- 
hours  goods-This  it  is  that  we  call  Roman  policy. 
While    l,ppoo   ,s    despoiled    for    befriending   the 
French,  and  the  Nizam  is  despoiled  for  befriending 
he  English  ;  „i,ile  Holkar  is  despoiled  for  beating 
the  Pn^hwa,  and  the  Peishwa  is  despoiled  for  bein^ 
beaten  by  Holkar-Vlho  is  it  that  is  enriched  by  be"^ 
iiendmgand  beating  them  all ?"*    England-Ene- 
land  is  enriched.     This,  and  not  self-.lefen.-e,  is  the 
<:ause  of  war  in  the  East  Indies.     War  is  a  ><&■- 
mau  of  heaven  upon  the  nations  that  are  engaged  in 
carrying  it  on.     Britain  is  seldom  or  ever  at  peace 
with  other  nations.  She  must,  as  a  body  politic,  be  a 
heinous  transgressor.     There   is  no  avoiding  (he  in- 
ference.   God   is  just;  and  all  his  judgments  are 
ruth.    Likfl  ancient  Rome,  the  most  criminal  of  na- 
tions, «fe  holds  the  stakes  for  every  game  that  is 
played  by  the  sword  and  the  cannon,  and  whoever 
loses  or  w^ns,  she  is  ultimately  the  gainer  by  the 
quarrel      Providence  will  overrule;  and  they  who 
thrive  by  the  wages  of  iniquity,  must  expect  a  day 
of  retribution.  '' 


England,  I  admit,  enjoys  within  herself  compara- 
tive prosperity.  Her  nobles  are  at  ease  and  in  afHu- 
ence.    Her  merchants  are  opulent  and  prosperous. 

*  E(Hn„  Uev.  Vol.  vi.  p.  469. 


s^SB 


94 


THE   MORAL   CHARACTER  OF 


Her  yeomanry,  although  burdened   with  taxation, 
are  healthy,  and  industrious,  and  flourishing.    Her 
manufiicturers,  though  embarrassed  by  the  American 
war,  are  still  influential  and  wealthy.     The  spirit  of 
libei  ty  in  England,  and  Scotland,  and  Ireland,  has 
given  way  for  a  time  to  the  claims  of  the  crown ; 
and  for  fear  of  foreign  domination,  the  subjects  sub- 
mit, with  resignation,  to  their  doom.     The  Judicia- 
ry, wilh  the  exception  of  that  of  Ireland,  which  has 
always,  like  a  conquered  province,  been  ruled  with 
a  rod  of  iron,  is  sufficiently  independent  to  admi- 
nister common  justice.     In  Scotland  and  England, 
personal  liberty  is  in  a  great  measure  enjoyed  :  and 
yet,  even  in  relation  to  her  domestic  policy,  Britain 
is  very  cruel. 


In  Ireland-  for  reasons  of  state,  she  persecutes  the 
Catholics.    It  is  not  on  account  of  their  religion ; 
for  this  she  has  always  supported  on  the  continent ; 
but  for  their  dissent  from  the  English  hierarchy,  that 
tlie  Irish  are  oppressed.     She  reduces  the  Presbyte- 
rians to  pay  tithes  to  an  indolent,  and  often  an  absent 
and  immoral   priesthood,  whom  they  neither  know 
nor  revere.     In  all  her  dominions,  she  restrains  the 
spirit  of  independence  and  emigration,  not  by  ren- 
dering home  comfortable,  but  by  laws  and  officers, 
who  bind  the  intended  emigrant  as  if  by  right,  to 
the   spot   in   wliich  he   was  born.     She  authorizes 
bonds  and  captivity,  by  the  pressgangy  that  secret, 
sudden,  and  formidable  engine  of  despotic  power, 
which  seizes  upon  its  victim  unawares,  and  chains 
him  to  the  wheels  of  the  cannon — A  system  of  op- 


THE   BRITISH   GOVERNMKNT. 


9a 


taxation, 
in^.  Her 
American 
e  spirit  of 
3land,  has 
le  crown ; 
)jects  sub- 
e  juclicia- 
wbich  has 
uled  with 

to  ad  mi- 
England, 
yed :  and 
r,  Britain 


icutes  the 
religion ; 
ontinent ; 
chy,  that 
Presbyte- 
\j\  absent 
ler  know 
rains  the 
by  ren- 
I  officers, 
right,  to 
uthorizes 
\i  secret, 
c  power, 
id  chains 
n  of  op- 


pression and  cruelty,  compared  with  which,  the  Cm- 
scriplion  of  iVapoJeon  was  equitable  and  desirable 
A  tour  of   hardships,  foreseen,  regulated  by  law 
equable,  because  extending  equally  to  all  classes,  is 
not  to  be  compared  to  a  sudden  seizure,  partial 
unexpected,  unprovided  for,  and  without  the  hope  of 
escape.    Regular  occasional  service,  however  hard 
IS  not  to  be  compared  to  slavery  without  redress.   ' 

Cruelty  is  exercised  also  on  the  conscience  Al- 
though subjects  have  the  contemptible  permission, 
of  bvmg  unmolested,  by  the  king,  while  they  are 
silent  and  submissive;  yet  the  government  makes  a 
mockery  of  conscience  ;  corrupts  the  morals  of  the 
subjects  with  ensnaring  oaths  of  allegiance,  repeated, 
and  repeated ;  and  constrains  them  to  forego  inte<r- 
rity  of  religious  character,  by  partaking  of  the  sl- 
eramenlal  Test  as  the  price  of  admission  to  power. 

There  is  one  other  feature  of  British  policy,  to 
which,  under  this  head,  I  would  direct  your  atten- 
tion. 

The  English  merchants  and  monopolists,  are  men 
oi  princely  fortunes.  They,  with  the  Lords  of  the 
soil,  and  of  the  political  chvrch  of  the  land,  ffor 
such  is  the  church  of  England  as  established  by 
law,)  may  easily  acquire  a  character  for  splendour 
and  munifieence.  But  how  is  it  supported  ?  Not  by 
the  islands  of  Great  Britain.  It  is  by  the  policy  of 
that  government  relative  to  its  trade.  The  commer- 
cial monopoly  is  tlie  staff  of  pride  and  power.    The 


'  :l 


'}^l 


fei^ 


M 


•km:   MOllAl,   CirARACTF.il   oi- 


» 


usurpation  of  the  seas  is  an  act  of  injustice.  It  is  a 
system  of  cruelty  towards  the  weaker  states,  tliat 
drives  them  from  the  ocean.  It  is  the  cruelty  of  a 
licensed  robber,  that  attacivs  tlie  traveller  upon  the 
highway,  and  prevents  him  from  prosecuting  his 
journey  to  the  market.  This,  this  is  the  cause  of 
war.  Rrilain  is  scarcely  ever  at  peace,  because  she 
seeks  the  destruction  of  her  neighbours'  commerce. 

War  is  an  evil.    It  is  a  school  of  vice.    It  is  a 
nursery  of  debaucliery.     By  it,  cities  are  sacked, 
and  countries  laid  waste.     The  dearest  ties  of  kin- 
dred are  unloosed,  fathers  made  childless,  children 
fiUherless,  and  wives  converted  into  widows.     You 
see,    brethren,    some   of  its   pernicious   eflects  in 
this  city:  and  you  feel  and  lament  the  evil.     You 
hear  of  greater  evils  in  otlier  parts  of  our  land,  du- 
ring the  short  period  since  war  has  upon  our  part  ex- 
isted.    You  deprecate  the  calamity.     You  regret 
the  policy  which  led  to  such  a  state  of  things.     You 
are  tempted  to  call  in  question  entirely,  the  legiti- 
macy of  war.      It   is  not  surprising    you    should. 
What  more  cruel,  and  less  congenial  with  the  spirit 
of  the  gospel?  But  England   is   scarcely  ever  at 
peace.    Such  scenes  are  essential  to  her  commer- 
cial greatness.    Her  naval  superiority  is  her  glory. 
From  the  Baltic  to  the  Ganges,  slie  is  shedding  hu- 
man blood.     And  is  she  then  innocent  ?  The  ao-o- 
nies,  the  cries,  the  death  of  a  thousand  victims,  on 
tlie  shores,  on  the  seas,  in  the  cities  of  the  nations, 
are   the  concomitants  of  that   immense  opulence, 
which  the  traveller  admires  in  Liverpool  and  in  Lon- 


THE   BRITISH   OCVERIVMEAT. 


97 


flon.    Twenty  years  of  peace,  in  the  civilized  world, 
would  reduce  Orcat  Britain  from  her  rank  among 
the  nations.     Allow  the  continental  powers  of  Eu- 
rope a  free  and  a  fai    commerce;  allow  to  these 
United   States  the   unrestrained  riglit  of  carryincr 
their  trade  from  sea  to  sea,  and  from  nation  to'  na'^ 
tion ;    allow  to  all  the  nations   equal  rijrhts,  while 
plmighing  the  deep,  uninterrupted  by  the  men  of  war, 
and  the  glory  of  England,  like  thai  of  Tyre,  shall 
«nk  to  rise  no  more.     Her  policy  is  in  war;  and 
that  policy  is  cruel. 


CONCLUSION. 

That  nation,  the  Gomrnmenl  of  which  we  have 
thus  weighed  in  the  balances,  is,  nevertlieless,  entitled 
to  our  christian  attention  and  admiration.     There, 
the  sciences  and  the  arts  are  patronized  and  cultiva- 
ted, and   most  liberally  rewarded.    There,  among 
christians  of  every  denomination,  is  the  honourable 
strife,  who  shall  do  most  for  promoting  the  difllision 
of  revealed   truth   throughout  the    world.     ^I'here, 
treasure  is  collected,  and  hands  are  employed,  for 
stretching  ove:  the  perishing  heathen  the  curtains  of 
Zion.    There,  exists  that  noble  institution,  which  ex- 
ceeds any  thing  that  has  hitherto  been  established  by 
christian  exertions,  The  Bkitish  and  Foreign  Bi- 
ble SociETY—A  river  of  life,  which,  with  its  thou- 
sand streams,  flows  through  every  kingdom  of  the 
world,  watering,  refreshing,  and  fructifying,  until  the 
wilderness  become  like  Eden,  and  the  desert  like 
the  garden  of  the  Lord.     There,  in  despite  of  the 

13 


n 


rssi 


9S 


<;OlVCLUgION. 


immoral  1pnrl(?nry  of  flir  laws ;  in  despite  of  Hie  pub- 
lic prosliiution  of  religion;  in  despite  of  the  pilde, 
and  the  drhauchei y,  and  the  !i(  eiiti<»u-neHs  oi'  the 
great;  and  of  the  misery,  the  baseness,  tlie  vvi(  ked- 
ness  of  the  rabhie,  whieh  prowl  through  Ihe  stieet* 
of  Ihe  populous  eities;— there,  exist  nuuh  patriotism 
and  courage,  a  feeling  of  personal  liberty  and  inde- 
pendenre,  learnin^r,  and  talent,  and  piety,  and  great 
doujestic  order  and  happiness. 

We  admit  all  tiiis  willi  pleasme ;  we  pray  for  the 
prospe.ity  of  ehristianmen  and  christian  institutions; 
we  are  aiLxious  to  h<dd  them  up  to  otiiers  for  imita- 
tion ;  we  love  them  sincerely ;  and  we  supplicate  the 
throne  of  ^rrace  for  their  promotion  and  perma- 
nence :  but  we  do  not  admit  them  as  a  justilication 
of  the  evils  we  have  pointed  out.  They  increase  in- 
stead of  diminishing  tiie  guilt  of  the  government. 
It  is  the  art  of  the  writers  of  Romance  ;  it  is  the 
gieat  evil  of  the  dramay  to  introduce  a  character 
possessed  of  certain  n(»ble  trails,  that  may  palliate 
and  reconmiend  vice  and  impiety  ;  and  so  pollute  the 
morals  of  the  unwary.  Wo  to  them  that  call  good 
evil,  and  evil  good  ;  that  put  bitter  for  sweet,  and 
sweet  for  bitter.  We  distinguish  ;  we  contrast  the 
good  with  the  bad  :  and  while  we  admit  and  approve 
Tvhat  is  righteous  among  the  people  of  those  islands, 
we  bear  our  decided  testimony  against  the  usurpa- 
tion, the  superstition,  the  apostacy,  the  Erastianism, 
and  the  cruelty  of  the  British  system  of  govern- 
ment. 


pM' 


CONCLUSION. 


99 


I  have  now.  my  breJh'.-=n,  weif^hed  in  the  baluntes, 
<h«  Biitisl,  monairliy  j.nd  the   Aineiican   repuhlic' 
They  arc   both  foumi,  m  some  iiiMlances,  tvanlhi!^. 
But  Ihe  (Jiff';ienre,  in  point  of  immorality,  between 
tlum  is  sreat.     There  is  scarcely  any  comparison. 
Our  cour.try  has  indee.l  franssressecl.  and  ue  are  at 
this  moment  siiflering  the  chastisement  which  we  de- 
serve.    The  enemy  is  let  loose  upon  om-  border^ 
God  grant  to  us  the  sanclitled  use  of  the  blow,  ana 
dnect  us  to   the  means  proper  for  warding  it  off. 
May  the  God  of  heaven  succeed  our  ellorts,  in  the 
field,  on  the  lakes,  on  the  ocean,  and  in  the  councils 
of  negotiation,  for  bringing  the  enemy  to  a  sense  of 
justice. 


Should  we  suppose  an  intelligent  man  elevated  to 
some  spot  in  apace,  above  the  world,  whence,  with- 
out partiality  to  either  of  the  belligerents,  he  could 
take  a  survey  of  both,  and  mark  the  contest   be- 
tween  them-He  would,  upon  principles  of  humani- 
ty,  wish  success  to  the  most  innocent  ir.  the  combat 
Independently  of  the  causes   which  produced  the 
strife,  and  of  the  consequences  which  would   result 
this  must  certa.mly  be  the  wishes  of  a  philanthropist 
on   beholding  the   character  of  the  parties  at  war. 
J3id  you  see  a  youth  of  mild  demeanour,  and  of 
known  integrity,  engaged  with  an  experienced  and 
long  practised  boxer,  who  made  a  trade  of  boasting 
and  of  battle,  you  would  instinctively  wish  that  this 
youth  might  escape  unhurt,  or  come  oflT  victorious. 
Ihe  inference  I  draw  is,  that,  in  the  present  contest, 
between  the  belligerents  described  in  this  discourse, 
humanity  wishes  success  to  our  own  country. 


lUO 


lONCLDSlON. 


t 


To  (ho  <'aui»<pf»  ami  proxiiriale  con^iequenres  ot"  the 
prcs(<iil  war,  '  intrnd,  hercarier,  to  (urn  your  a((eib 
(ion,  ln(li;pen(!rn(ly  of  (liese,  our  a('(piain(anre  W'i(h 
i\\v.  national  (iiaracler  of  (liii  parlies,  furni8lu;s  an  ar- 
gninunt  in  support  of  our  hopes. 

There  is  an  ei/e  above  ilio  earth,  that  knows  the 
nations,  that  marks  their  eonduet,  that  observes  the 
strife,  Then^  is  a  /llan,  (devated  alx.ve  (lie  world, 
wi(h  whom  is  no  respeet  of  persons,  who  is  touched 
wilh  the  feelings  of  our  infirmities,  and  will  award 
to  mem  and  to  empires  their  due.  ('Inistians,  it  is 
your  Redeemer.  Behold  him  on  hi.i;*h,  at  the  right 
band  of  (lod,  exalted  above  all  principalities  and 
powers.  H«3  is  Piincc  of  the  kings  of  the  earth. 
He  rules  in  the  baltle.  lie  directs  the  storm.  He  is 
mindful  of  individuals,  lie  will  save  them  that  trust 
in  him.  1  le  will  bless  and  protect  his  church,  while  the 
nations  are  at  war,  lie  invites  you  to  come  under  the 
shadow  of  his  wings.  There  you  shall  have  rest. 
His  voice  of  peace  is  heard,  wiiile  his  hand  controls 
the  baltle.  Yes,  brethren,  while  bis  Almighty  lin- 
ger writes  upon  the  palace-wall,  this  sentence  against 
the  nations,  Menf,,  iYUine,  Tekkl,  ITi'hausin,  to  you 
lie  says,  CViwr,  mj/  people,  enter  thou  into  thif  chaiih 
hrrs,  and  shut  thi/  doors  about  thee :  hide  thyself  as  it 
were  for  a  little  momeniy  until  the  indignation  be  over 
oast.     Amf.\. 


THE  LAWFULNESS  OF  JIEFENSIVE  WAU. 


-WAMj 


SERMON  III. 

tVith  good  advice  make  war.    Piov.  xx.  18. 

▼VHEN  the  son  of  .Tesse  was  pursued  hy  Saul,  the 
kinijf  of  Israf^l,  amon^the  sheep-cotes  of  Eniredi,  lie 
had  an  opporltuiify  of  inflicting  personal  vengeance 
upon  his  persecutor,  in  a  cave,  to  which  he  had  re- 
tired. The  temptation  was  stroni^;  but  David  yg- 
sisted  it,  waiting  the  time,  appointed  by  the  Lord, 
for  his  own  exaltation  to  the  throne,  fie  fortified 
himself,  by  an  ancient  maxim,  in  the  resolution  of 
permitting  the  escape  of  his  enemy;  and  to  thai 
proverbial  saying  he  afterwards  referred  king  Saul, 
who  was  sui  prised  at  tliis  remarkable  instance  of  pa- 
tience; and  magnanimity  upon  the  part  of  a  much  in- 
jured man.  "The  Lord  avenge  me  of  thee :  but 
mine  Irand  shall  not  be  upon  thee.  As  saifh  the  pro- 
verb of  the  ancients,  wickechiess  proceedeth  from  the 
wicked :  but  mine  hand  shall  not  be  upon  thoe."*  It 
appears  from  tliis  expression,  that,  in  this  early  age, 
David  revered  the  practical  wisdom  and  morality  of 
antiquity,   as  communicated   to   posterity   in   pro- 


♦  1  Bar  .  xxiv.  12,  If?. 


JO; 


THE    LAWFULNESS   OF 


verbs.  It  becomes  us,  who  believe  in  the  scriptures, 
to  hold  in  superior  veneration  the  ancient  aplioi  isms 
of  the  son  of  David.  These  are  not  merely  descrip- 
tive of  the  general  temper  and  morals  of  the  age ; 
but  are  maxims  of  sacred  law  for  the  direction  of 
our  conduct  in  every  situation  of  life.  They  have 
a  higher  authority  than  antiquity,  to  recommend 
them.  The  proverbs  of  Solomon  are  the  didaies  of 
the  Holy  Ghost, 

The  writer  had,  under  the  influence  of  this  spirit, 
the  power  of  giving  peculiar  point  to  the  proverbial 
style ;  and  from  liis  works,  as  from  an  abundant  store- 
house, succeeding  ages  have  drawn  their  best  max- 
ims.    Desirous  of  employing  his  gre;  t  wisdom  for 
the   benefit  of  mankind,   this  enlightened  monarch 
devoted  his  leisure  hours  to  writing  for  their  instruc- 
tion.    His  productions  were  numerous  and  compre- 
hensive.    Besides  his  three  thousand  proverbs,  and  his 
one  thousand  and  Jive  songs,  or  poems;    he  spake 
of  trees,  from  the  cedar  to  the  hyssop,  of  beasts,  of 
fowls,  of  creeping  things,  and  of  fishes.    His  works 
on  natural  history  are  lost  to  us  for  ever.     Let  us 
not  repine;  but  with  gratitude  and  submission,  im- 
prove his  doctrinal  and  moral  writings,  for  our  own 
edification. 

In  the  verse,  which  I  have  chosen  for  my  text,  the 
wise  man  recommends  caution  and  circumspection. 
Good  counsellors,  while  they  do  not  destroy  the  de- 
cisiveness of  character,  necessary  to  success  on  great 
emergencies,  furnish  the  information  required,  in  or- 


ii 


DEFENSIVE   WAR. 


103 


derto  act  with  understanding  and  with  confidence. 
In  those  disputes  between  nations,  which  must  uUj- 
inately  be  settled  by  a  trial  of  arms,  such  advisers 
are  peculiarly  estimable.  Every  purpose  is  establish^ 
ed  by  coumel:  and  with  good  advice  make  war. 

The  peaceful  son  of  David,  declares  in  this  apho- 
rism,  the  duty  of  waging  war,  and  of  waging  it  only 
mth  prudence.  He  did  this  under  divine  ins;iration. 
He  spoke  the  language  of  good  sense,  of  sound  poli- 
cy,  and  of  true  piety.  He  gave  an  advice,  perfectly 
corresponding  with  that  given  afterwards  by  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  the  Prince  of  peace,  of  whom  So- 
lomon was  the  type.  Luke  xiv.  31.  What  king  go^ 
ing  to  make  war  against  another  king,  sittcth  not  down 
first,  and  consulteth,  whether  he  be  able-to  meet  him  f 
Ihis  mode  of  reasoning,  is  a  New  Testament  confir- 
mation of  the  Old  Testament  doctrine,  with  good 

ADVICE  MAKE  WAR. 

The  plan  of  my  discourse  on  this  Xexi,  I  now  lay 
beiore  you.  ^ 

War  is,  in  certain  eases,  lawful-Lawfvl  war  is  de- 
fensive with  a  rational  prospect  of  success-Such  a 
war  ought  to  be  supported. 

These,  my  christian  brethren,  are  very  plain  as- 
sertions.    They  are  the  principles  of  my  text     The 
truth  of  each  proposition  is  so  obvious,  that  there  is 
indeed,  little  need  of  either  argument  or  proof-  but* 
ther^  1.  no  truth,  however  self-evident,  that  .ome  one' 


104 


THE   LAWFULNESS   OP 


does  not  dispute.  Great  talents  have  been  employed, 
in  the  learned  world,  to  prove  that  I  may  reasonably 
doubt  of  my  own  existence.  In  the  christian  world, 
some  ingenuity  has  been  employed,  to  disprove  the 
positions  now  laid  down,  and  of  course  to  prevent 
the  civilized  world  from  acting  upon  them. 

Did  the  arguments,  which  are  used  to  show  that 
war  is  prohibited  in  every  case,  by  the  christian  re- 
ligion, tend  in  fact  to  diminish  the  evil,  I  certainly 
should  never  raise  my  voice  against  them.    Know- 
ing, however,  that  they  are  not  only  untrue,  but  un- 
operative;   not  only  unoperative  as  to  the  object 
professed;  but   mischievous  in  their  consequences, 
by  fostering  the  evil  which  they  propose  to  prevent ; 
I  feel  it  my  duty  to  meet  them,  and  refute  them. 
Disputations  more  frequently  engender  strife,  than 
minister  to  the  use  of  edifying.     Calling  in  question 
the  lawfulness  of  war,  in  any  case,  puzzles,  and  di- 
vides the  well-meaning  part  of  the  community;  but, 
has  no  otlier  influence  upon  the  designing,  than  to 
afford  them  an  opportunity  of  converting  to  their 
own   schemes,  the  existing  contentions   and  preju- 
dices. 


By  producing  distractions  in  the  more  simple,  and 
free,  and  moral  states,  the  unprincipled  and  ambi- 
tious politicians  of  the  nations  are  encouraged  to 
prowl  for  their  prey,  and  deal  in  unceasing  wars.  It 
is  not  by  disputing  the  right  of  enacting  penal  sta- 
tutes, and  inflicting  punishment,  that  domestic  peace 
and  order  are  secured ;  but  by  instructing  the  com- 


DEFEKSITii.   WAR. 


106 


tnnnity  in  their  legitimacy  and  utility;  and  so,  com- 
manding  the  whole  force  of  the  nation,  in  support 
of  the  arm  of  authority,  in  executing  speedily,  upon 
the  disturbers  of  their  repose,  the  merited  sentence 
of  the  law.     It  is  in  the  same  way,  and  for  the  sa.ne 
reasons,  that  international  equity  and  peace  will  be 
secured  to  the  world.    When  nations  shall  come  to 
understand  the  rights  of  war  and  peace  ;  when  they 
shall  be  prepared  to  judge  of  the  justness  of  com- 
bats ;  when  they  shall  be  disposed,  without  distrac- 
tion,  to   yield   their  support  to  equitable  claims ; 
when  they  shall  be  prepared  to  undertake,   and  to 
maintain  lawful  war  against  the  aggressor,  then,  and 
not  till  then,  shall  states  be  allowed  to  enjoy  undis- 
turbed quietness,  and  to  rest  in  the  bosom  of  peace. 
Therefore  do  I  now  undertake  an  illustration  of  the 
truths  which  I  have  proposed  from  the  text,  in  the 
order  already  mentioned. 

I.   War  is,  in  certain  cases,  lawful. 

The  strife  of  arms,  in  which  man  is  set  against 
man,  and  people  against  people,  is,  in  all  cases,  an 
evil  to  be  deplored.  In  most  instances,  it  is  a  crime 
in  both  the  parties ;  and,  in  every  instance,  there  is 
on  the  part  of  one  of  them,  injustice  towards  the 
other.  It  is  permitted  of  God,  for  the  correction 
and  punishment  of  transgressions,  and  it  is  to  be  re- 
ferred, for  its  source  among  men,  to  the  corrupt 
passions.  OJ  the  works  of  the  flesh  are  these,  hatred, 
vanance,  emulations,  wrath,  strife      From  whence  come 


(:  I 


I'i 


l^i 


106 


THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 


m 


wars  and  Jightin^s  among  ymi  ?  come  they  not  htnc€y 
even  of  your  lusts  that  war  in  your  members  ** 

Far  be  it  from  me,  while  explaining  the  precept 
of  my  God,  "  With  good  advice  make  war,"  to  en- 
courage Inat  which  is  sinful :  to  cherish  the  malevo- 
lent passions  :  or  to  recommend  the  military  life  as 
desirable.  It  is  to  suppress  the  malevolence  of  man, 
to  redress  injuries,  to  promote  righteousness,  that 
the  sovereign  of  the  norld  ever  authorized  an  ap- 
peal to  the  sword  ;  and  it  is  with  the  same  design  I 
vindicate  the  morality  of  what  he  hath  authorized. 
Strange  phraseology,  indeed,  to  be  required  among 
christians,  vindicate  the  morality  oj  what  God  hath 
authorized!  and  yet  it  is  required  in  this  discussion. 

War  is  the  employme.nt  of  force  under  the 

SOVEREIGN    authority     OF     ONE     CIVIL     COMMUNITY 

AGAINST  ANY  oTHER.f    That  it  is  lawful  to  use  such 
force,  I  shall  show  from  reason  and  from  scripture. 

1.  The  lawfulness  of  war  is  a  deduction  of  sound 
reasoning,  from  the  circumstances  of  civil  life. 

To  live  in  a  state  of  society  is  both  the  duty  and 
the  privilege  of  man.  It  is  the  Creator  of  the  world, 
who  said,  //  is  not  good  that  man  should  be  alone.    A 

*  Gal.  V.  19,  20.  and  James  iv.  I. 

f  In  all  correct  reasoning,  it  is  necessary  to  keep  in  view  the 
meaning  of  tlje  wonis  we  employ.  "  War  is  that  state  in  which  a 
iiation  prosecutes  its  right  by  Ibrce."     VattcL 


DEFENSIVE   WAR. 


107 


great  part  of  the  actire  principles  of  human  nature 
much  JT^  unimproved  and   unemployed,   and 
much  of  hi8  happmess  would  necessarily  be  cut  off 
were  man  doomed  to  a  perpetual  seclusion  from  so' 
oiety,  and  constrained  to  spend  his  life  in  solitude. 
It  IS  not,  however,  to  be  expected,  that  a  state  of  so- 
ciety can  exist  on  earth,  during  the  continuance  of 
our  imperfection,  in  which  no  error  in  morals  will 
obtain.    Humanum  est  errare.    Diversities  of  views 
and  of  inclinations,  and  of  interests,  cannot  fail  to  pro- 
duce discord;  and  the  corrupt  propensities  of  indi- 
viduals  require,  for  the  preservation  of  social  order 
that  the  power  of  suppressing  evils  should  be  placed 
in  the  hands  of  competent  authority.  An  advisory  mir 
Ihority,  unless  endowed  with  the  right  of  employinff 
force,  would  be  found  a  nullity.     Thus,  as  society  is 
necessary  to  man,  and  government  is  necessary  to 
society,  the  application  of  force  is  essential  to  both  • 
and  the  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  er- 
roneous conduct,  necessarily  implies,  that  civil  so- 
ciety  has  the  power  of  property,  liberty,  life,  and 
death,  over  every  member.     Such  is  the  constitution 
of  society.     Such  is  the  will  of  God,  expressed  in 
the  constitution  of  human  nature.    Let  theory  say 
what  it  will,  it  is  a  fact,  that  civil  society  has  the 
right  of  taking  away  by  force  the  life  of  any  of  its 
members. 


In  vam  am  I  told,  by  visionary  theorists,  that  man 
has  not  the  right  of  taking  away  his  own  life.  I  know 
It.  The  Lord  giveth  life.  He  only  has  the  right  of 
taking  it  away,  or  of  ordering  another  to  take  it 


r~— ""!!»»■■ 


108 


THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 


away.  In  vain  am  I  told,  that  society  has  only  the 
rights  which  individuals  have  surrendered  to  it :  and 
that  of  course  it  lias  not  the  right  of  taking  away  my 
life,  seeing  I  could  not  surrender  what  was  not  at 
my  option.  I  did  not  make  myself  a  social  bjing. 
God  made  me  so.  Society  is  his  creature.  From  him 
it  derives  the  right  of  self-preservation.  Civilians 
and  Divines  behove  to  attend  to  this  fact.  It  is 
Atheism,  however  it  may  be  disguised,  that  supports 
the  contrary  principle.  He  is  a  short-sighted  States^ 
man,  who,  enamoured  of  the  theories  of  Beccaria 
and  Voltaire,  argues  agaiAst  the  right  of  capital  pu- 
nishments, in  any  case.  It  is  not  humanity^  but 
folli/y  that  dictates  this  doctrine.  He  is  a  short- 
sighted Divine,  who  is  seduced  by  the  reasonings  of 
George  Fox  and  William  Penn.  It  is  not  religion  ; 
but  fanaticism,  that  is  promoted  by  such  arguments. 

1  know,  that  small  societies,  in  the  bosom  of  regu- 
larly organized  nations — I  know,  that  ecclesiastical 
bodies  may  exist,  without  the  application,  upon  their 
own  part,  of  violence  to  any  member ;  but  tlie  power 
of  force  must  exist  somewhere,  otherwise,  one  unru- 
ly member  might  destroy  any  such  society. 

Laws  are  necessary  to  guard  the  rights  of  proper- 
ty ;  but  if  society  have  no  right  to  transfer  so  much 
of  the  debtor's  property,  against  his  will,  into  the 
hands  of  the  creditor,  as  may  satisfy  equity,  laws 
are  a  non-entity :  again,  if  the  debtor  resists  the  offi- 
cers of  the  law,  and  society  has  no  right  to  apply 
for^e  in  any  case,  the  debtor  escapes  with  impunity, 


DEFENSIVE   WAR. 


109 


i  only  the 
to  it :  and 
away  my 
i^as  not  at 
ial  b^ing. 
E^'rom  him 

Civilians 
ct.  It  is 
L  supports 
Bd  States^ 

Beccaria 
apital  pu~ 
nitj/y   but 

a  short- 
onings  of 
religion ; 
'gumcnts. 

I  of  regu- 
lesiastical 
pon  their 
lie  power 
one  unru- 


f  proper- 
so  much 
into  the 
ity,  laws 
3  the  offi- 
to  apply 
mpunity, 


and  laughs  at  the  law.     Legislation  is  slill  a  nullity. 
If  force  may  be  applied  in  any  measure,  short  of  in- 
flicting wounds  and  death  ;  if  the  debtor  knows  be- 
forehand, that  no  power  dare  touch  iiis  life,  he  may 
arm  himself;  he  may  escape  the  law  with  all  'lU 
other  force;  and  he  may  lay  under  contribution,  to 
his  cupidity,  every  member  of  the  community.  There 
must  in  such  case  be  an  end  to  society.    This  is  ob- 
vious to  every  man.     Each  state  is  of  course  com- 
pelled to  arm,  with  the  sword,  the  civil  magistrate. 
Each  individual  will  say,  though  I  have  no  right  to 
destroy  my  life,  I  have  power  to  amputate  a  mem- 
ber for  the  preservation  of  the  body  :  and  each  state 
will  say,  I  have  power  to  cut  off  any  member  for 
the  safety  of  the  whole. 

This  argument  puts  beyond  a  doubt  the  lawfulness 
of  war.  Civil  punishment  is  the  exercise  of  force  upon 
an  enemy y  to  the  community  of  which  he  is  a  member. 
The  lowest  degree  of  punishment,  involves  the  right 
of  taking  the  life  of  the  criminal  if  resistance  on  his 
pail  render  ihe  application  of  such  force  necessary. 
Most  assuredly  then,  if  the  aggressor  be  of  a  differ- 
ent community,  and  be  authorized  by  such  commu- 
nity to  act  as  an  enemy,  th3  sovereign  power  of  the 
injured  commonwealth  may  lawfully  resist  even  unto 
blood  ;  and  may  apply  the  degree  and  kind  of  force 
necessary  to  correct  the  evil.  If  the  right  of  waging 
war  be  withheld  from  the  body  politic,  there  i*^  an 
end  to  the  independence  of  nations,  and  all  society 
is  dissolved. 


■(•■ 


no 


lllE  LAWtULAESS   OF 


Reasoning  upon  these  principles.  1  am  constrained 
to  pronounce  the  contrary  opinions,  by  whatever 
naines,  and  from  whatever  motives,  they  are  urged, 
bo<h  unreasonable  and  dangerous.     It  is  flie  wiJl  of 
God,  expressed  in  the  constitution  of  society,  that 
nations  have  a  right  to  wage  war:  and  if  it  should 
ever  be  made  manifest,  that  the  Deity,  by  positive 
injunction,  prohibited   the  exercise  of  this  right,  I 
would  indeed  submit  to  his  decision,  and  submit  im^ 
plicitly ;  but   I  would  also  infer,  that,  in  making 
such  prohibition,  he.  who  knows  the  consequences  of 
his  own  laws,  had  also  ordered  the  dissolution  of  so- 
ciety itself.     So  far  is  the  revelation  of  his  grace 
trom  giving  countenance  to  such  absurdities,  that  1 
am  enabled  thereby  to  support  the  principle  urged 
m  my  text,   With  good  advice  make  war. 

2.  The  lawfulness  of  war  is  evident  from  the  scrijj^ 
lures.  ' 


In  presenting  the  argument,  drawn  from  the  ex- 
pression of  the  will  of  God,  in  the  sacred  oracles,  in 
favour  of  the  right  of  making  war,  I  do  not  forget  or 
conceal,  that  it  is  principally  contained  in  the  Old 
Testament.     I  also  know,  that  in  the  opinions  of 
many  professors  of  religion,  this  is  a  sufficient  reason 
lor  rejecting  the  proof.    As  all,  that  referred  to  a 
^vwur  expected,  but  not  as  yet  manifested  in  the 
,flesh,  m  the  Old  Testament  dispensation,  has  been 
superseded  by  the  Redeemer,  in  his  mission,  suffer- 
ings,  and    exaltation;  as    all,  who  believe   in  his 


DEFENSIVE   WAR. 


in 


name,  are  not  of  sufficient  discernn,cnt,  to  distin- 
guish between  morality  and  mere  ritual  economy  ; 
and  as  prejudice  and  convenience  are  fruitful  in  mis- 
apprehension and  misapplication,  it  is  not  wonderful, 
that  some  of  our  brethren  should  be  tempted  to  under- 
value the  principles  of  moral  order  which  are  revealed 
by  the  prophels.    It  is,  nevertheless,  a  matter  of  la- 
mentation, that  such  misunderstanding  should  be  so  ge- 
neral and  injurious.     Very  few  christian  societies  ex- 
ist, who  have  not  erred  on  this  subject.     The  church 
membership  of  our  offspring-the  use  of  our  psal 
ody-the  theology  of  civil  polity-the  existence  even 
of  moral  obligation— the  utility  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment,  have  all,  by  different  sects  of  professed  chris- 
tians,   been   called  in    question    on    this   account. 
"  There  is  not,"  says  one,*  «  a  revelation  of  a  future 
state  made  to  those  who  lived  before  the  advent  of 
Messiah."     «  Where,"  says  another,t   «  will    you 
find  in  the  Old  Testament,  the  doctrine  of  faith, 
or  of  imputed   righteousness."     While  the   minds 
of  christians  are  thus    amazed  and  bewildered,  it 
ought  not  to  surprise  us  that  some  good  men  have 
denied  the  applicability  of  the  argument,  in  support 
of  the   right   of  waging  war,  which  all   admit,  is 
abundantly  to  be  found  in  the  bible.    And  yQi,  we 
are  not  permitted  to  give  up  those  great  principles 
of  n-.orality,  which  it  hath  pleased  God  to  reveal,  and 
to  sanction  with  his  own  authority.    It  is  due  to  mv 


*  Blslio|)  Warburton. 
■^  Rer.  Mr.  Freeman,  of  Nevrhursh. 


112 


THE   LAWFHLNKSS   OK 


hearers,  1o  say,  fliat,  in  referring  for  proof  to  inspired 
men  before  tlie  incarnation  of  our  Lord,  I  do  it  upon 
this  broad  principle,  that  morality  and  piety  are 

ESSENTIALLY  THE  SAME  IN  EVERY  AGE  OF  THE  WORLD. 

Man  IS  esscntinllj/   the  same  through  al!  genera- 
tions.   God  is  the  same  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for 
ever.     The  image  of  God,  on  the  soul  of  man,  is  at 
all  times  and  places  of  the  same  character.  Precepts, 
the  reason  of  which  is  laid  in  changeable  circum- 
stances, cease  or  change  with  the  occasion ;  but  prin- 
cipksy  founded  upon  permanent  relalionSy  are  unalter- 
able. Although  men  should  now  pretend  to  more  holi- 
ness than  was  possessed  by  Abraham,  by  David,  by 
Samuel,  by   Elijah,  and  Nehemiah,   this,  however 
great  the  assumption  upon  their  part,  would  not  jus- 
tify their  denial  of  the  right  of  war,  unless  they 
could  at  the  same  time  show,  that  human  nature  is 
not  now  what  it  was,  or  that  God,  the  Lawgiver,  ha.« 
undeigone  mutation  both  of  nature  and  of  will.    IJ" 
holiness,  now,  is  the  same  as  ever,  then  is  war  as  law- 
ful as  formerly :  for  that  it  cannot  have  been  for- 
bidden by  him  who  once  authorized  it,  is  evident 
from  the  fact,  that  there  is  no  reason  for  a  change 
of  law,  as  well  as  from  the  necessity  of  its  legitima- 
cy, if  society  be  not  entirely  dissolved.* 

We  now  proceed  to  lay  before  you,  froR:  boili  the 
Old  and  the  JVew  Testaments,  (for  in  this  case  I 

*  See  the  precediog  argument,  page  109. 


OEPErfSIVE   WAR.  jjg 

make  no  difference  betwppn  <!,«.«  ^ 

«r  41  weiween  tliem,)  a  suinmarv  vipw 

of  the  argument  i„  defence  of  (h  .  w.A/  T 

'^vir.     We  have  in  ih.  »  '.i  '^^^  ^^  '"''^''^ 

ma,.Jm   7  ^     *"  ^'''''''  ^"  ^'n'lication  of  this 

maxim.  ^PProved  racls^Dortrines^p,,,,„i^  '  j*'" 

proof s^Promiscs  and  prayers,  ^ 

of  t;es  If  rf  ^"^^^^  J''  ^^'^^-^  of  Abram, 

andte^^o:Ltt"a"r:i  '"  f  "^'^?  "'  ^'^^  ^"'^«' 
staivp«  .n     I  •  u  '  '"^'''  ''*"  abundance  of  in- 

sta,  ces,  ,n  which  war  has  been  waged  by  Divine  an 
probation,  and  often  at  his  exprL  cci^nm    d  that' 
here  ,s  no  need  of  specification    I  do  not.  Zrefire 
take  up  your  time  with  references  and  ex^lic^li 

Second.     Scripture  doctrine  inculcates  the  maxim 

1  thToT'a^'"  '".'^^^  '^'^^^-^-^  ^^  -"  - 

iium  ine  uid.     Horn.  xm.  3,  4.  «  For  Rni .« 
»./  A  T.«BOK  ,0  good  .orks,  to  to  J.^f  muZ 
then  ml  he  afraid  of  Ihe  ,.ower?  F^r  t  uT 
KisTER  OK  Goo  to  Ihu  for  .ood     B-u;f,h     f    T" 
^U,  is  .,,  >>e  afrJdXJ:lT/:  ^ 

VK^CKa  TO  .x.c«.„.  wa.T„  uj.o.  ki„,  „L  ZlkZ. 

r  nerer  in  the  course  of  my  reading,  met  with  so 
perfect  a  description  of  the  nature,  the  duty  tie  ore 
vance.  and  the  design  of  civil  government,  fn  !  C 
.=  compass,  as  we  find  in  the  first  six  verses  of  hk 
chafer  Without  reference  to  any  p.rticlr  o  '  ! 
.V,  but  w.th  a  perfect  applicability  to  all,  the  ano^ 

^'"g  to  the  chnstran  Jaw:  and  he  aiJbrds  another 

15 


w 


I 


lit 


IHK    LAVVFULNKSS   OF 


evidence  of  a  truth,  wliich  ou^lii  never  to  be  forgot- 
ten, hy  those  wlio  consider  nnin  in  his  social  chixrac- 
ier,  that  the  revealed  will  of  (iod  «Mnbrac>es  the  true 
philosophy  of  government.  Individual  man  derives 
from  (lod  the  right  of  s(df-government.  Hence  the 
sacn;d  origin  of  personal  liherty.  Man,  in  h's  col- 
lective capacity,  derives  from  (lod  tlic  right,  of  go- 
vernment ;  hence  the  magistrate  is  his  ordinance — 
He  is  the  minister  of  God.  The  design  of  this  insti- 
tution is  the  good  of  society — He  is  the  minister  of 
(iod  for  good.  11  is  province  is  the  protection  of 
virtue,  and  the  suppression  of  evil.  Rulers  are  not 
a  terror  tn  srood  works^  hut  to  the  evil.  In  sup- 
pressing evil,  tlie  national  sovereignty  is  divinely 
armed  with  vengeance — The  minister  of  God,  a  re 
venger  to  execute  ivrath, 

■^i'liese  are  not  the  words  of  a  vain  philosoj>her, 
(i'arele^sly  sluinbering  over  ideal  plans  of  reform. 
They  are  words  of  truth.  The  idea  of  civil  punish- 
ment whicii  they  cc-nvey,  dillors  entirely  from  the  fa- 
natical imaginations  of  deluded  minds,  and  from  the 
prett  nded  discoveries  of  intidel  humanity.  The 
bword  of  the  sovereign,  is  not  merely  disciplinary/  as 
TiU  instrument  of  reibriu  ;  it  is  also  for  vengeance. 
Punishment  is  not  prospective,  but  retrospective.  It 
rontemphites  not  so  nuich  the  capability  of  improve- 
ment, as  the  guilt  of  its  subject.  It  is  the  connex- 
ion establishiKl  by  the  moral  Governor  of  the  uni- 
verse between  pain  and  crime.  This  is  punishment 
and  he  is  but  a  novice  in  the  science  of  jurisjHU 
deuce,  who  has  the  idea  yet  to  learn. 


OKKKNSIVK   WAR. 


Il:> 


Now  if  the  magistrate  does  not  I,car  (he  ,wo.-,I  in 
",!.emu«tu.oit.l,is,,uli„,,i„,.a,„,„.,fo.j,„;" 

s .  -Ke  ,»,tl,  to.  > ,.,.  ,|„.  enemies  „f  l.is  „,u„t,y     / .    . 

Sives  linn  the  right  of  wagino-  ,var     //""[■ 

In- „r  f\.,i     „     ,■  "b"'p,  wai.     JU  IS  the  mims- 

">  «/  (.o.l„Ue„d„ig  mMimally  on  this  vera  thiw^ 

tet  every  man,  i„  his  individnal  character.  L  hu-" 
u.ne    cone  ,ia,i,,g    p„,i,„t  „f  i  ,„;  J    ^_ 

'^      w  ,r  ;  ''"l'^''l<>y'"''"'alyc  resist  not 

« ;  ^r i^^  7"  1'"" '""" "'" "« ""  "^'"  -^''"z^. 

m'  „7  /,  /  '"  f  "•  ^'"^  ^  ""^ """'  «"•« 

"(«  to  go  a  mite,  go  with  him  twain. 

These  preecpls  are  not  to  be  un<lerstoo<I  literally 
n,ey  only  HKulcate  patience  an.l  forbearance  upon 
.nU.VKuaIs;  but  if  they  must  be  li.erallv  const™    , 
-I'eve  .s  an  end  ,o  industry  and  social  oVder.     You 
>mf  leave  your  business,  and  go  with  the  rutin 
wUhou  resistance,  not  only  out  of  your  way,  wh  ,|  e": 
l.e  would  urge,  but  even  twice  as  far.     You  mu! 
"ot   akoout  a  defence  at  law  against  injustice    "ou 
nnst  not  only  allow  a  man  to  take  from  you   door 
before  you-  eyes,  a  part  of  your  property ;  but  also 
i'-ve  lum  even  „,ore  than  he  desired.     Y.fu  mustnul 
an  en    t    the  >.ights  of  property,  and  pronounc   ^ 
IZ  "^^"^  "n'l"-.»<.an.     You  must  not  only   bear 
""I'  l'--nal   assault,  but    also  encourage  it    by 


'tij 


FT 


IIG 


THE   LAWFULNESS   OF 


turning  the  other  cheek  to  him  that  smites.  You 
must  in  nowise,  by  no  means  whatever,  by  gentle  or 
violent  means,  by  persuasion,  or  by  the  law,  resist 
any  evil  that  befalls  you. 

AVho  then  is  so  blind  as  not  to  see  the  absurdity  of 
such  a  construction  ?  Who  so  childish  as  to  use  this 
argument  against  t^ie  rights  of  war?  We  must  adopt 
a  consistent  plan  of  interpretation ;  and  recollect  that 
the  Author  of  the  gospely  while  he,  in  this  passage, 
urges  upon  individuals  a  forgiving  disposition,  lays 
down  in  another  passage,  the  duty  of  the  national 
representative,  acting  as  his  minister,  to  exercise 
vengeance  on  the  aggressor.  He  is  a  revenger  to  exe- 
cute wrath.*  This  is  the  doctrine  of  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord.  It  is  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  comforter  of  our 
souls,  that  makes  the  declaration.  He,  who  sancti- 
fiesi  and  instructs  true  christians,  hereby  declares  that 
fvar  is  in  certain  cases  lawful. 

I  might  multiply  quotations :  but  I  only  add  in 
this  connexion,  the  words  of  Solomon.     By  wise 

*  Etc^iMi  cii  e/jyjjv.  The  word  tKhxo?  is  derived  from  ikS'iksv,  and 
that  from  »k  and  hxti.  It  signifies  an  avenger.  He,  who  says  to 
individuals  in  the  preceding  chap.  Rom.  xii.  19,  20.  "  Dearly  be- 
loved, avenge  not  yourselves,  but  rather  give  place  unto  wrath: 
for  it  is  written.  Vengeance  is  mine,  I  will  repay,  saith  the  Lord. 
Therefore,  if  thine  enemy  hunger,  feed  him ;  if  he  thirst,  give  bim 
drink ;"  says,  in  this  case,  of  the  national  sovereign,  in  his  official 
capacity,  "  he  is  the  minister  of  God,  an  avenger  to  execute  wrath." 
If  this  distinction  w^re  Ijept  in  mind,  there  would  be  no  room  for 
perverting  scripture,  constraining  it  to  speak  against  the  right  of 
a})plying  force  for  the  correction  of  injury. 


DEFENSIVE  WAR. 


117 


eounsel  thou  shall  make  thy  war  j*  the  words  of  the 
^ophet,  relative  to  the  sons  oi Reuben  and  their  allies 
They  cried  to  God  in  the  battle,  and  he  was  entreated 
of  them-^there  fell  down  many  slain,  because  the  war 
rvas  of  God;i  and  the  words  of  Hezekiah,  /  have 
counsel  and  strength  for  war.t 

Third.     Scripture  precepts  and  reproof    God  hath 
commanded  war  in  some  instances  to  be  waged;  and 
hath  reproved,  in  other  cases,  those  who  refused  to 
carry  it  on.   It  is  utterly  impossible,  however,  that  a 
holy  God  should  command  that  which  is  in  its  nature 
unholy.    That  which  is  in  iUeU  indijerent,  he  may  in 
his   sovereignty    command    or    prohibit:    and    the 
changeable  circumstances  and  conditions,  in  which 
we  are  placed,  may  render  alterations  of  divine  law 
predicated  upon  mutable  relations,  wise  and  becom' 
mg.     But  he  never  recommends  malevolence,  impe- 
nitence, or  unbelief.     True,  he    once  commanded 
Abraham  to  offer  his  own  son  Isaac  upon  the  altar  • 
but  this  was  as  a  trial  of  faith;  and  he  did  not  per- 
mit him  to  execute  the  deed.    Jehovah  has,  more- 
over, a  right  to  recall  at  pleasure  the  gift  of  life  and 
to  appoint  the  executioner.    And  he  doth  so,  when 
he  calls  a  nation  to  war,  and  to  kill  the  enemy.    The 
mere  taking  away  of  human  life,  is  in  itself  lawful  • 
for  the  equity  or  criminality  of  the  act,  depends' 
upon  circumstances.     Homicide  is  innocent.    The 
execution  of  the  guilty  is  a  duty.    Murder  is  a 

*Prov.xxiv.6.  tIChron.v.20,22. 

t  Isa.  XXX vi.  5. 


liJ. 


i 


]J8 


TH1<:    LAWFIJLNKbS    OK 


I 


nime.  Those  who  kill  in  a  just  war,  art-  arling 
otuhr  divine  auiii(u i<y.  li  is  wljat  he  coniniands. 
I'sahu  exiix.  (J.  Let  the  high  prams  of  God  be  in  their 
mouth,  and  a  t/ro-edgnl  sword  in  their  hand;  to  e:\'e- 
ndc  vcnirtanre  upon  the  heathen,  and  pnnishments  upon 
the  people,;  to  hind  their  kings  n if h  chains,  and  their 
nohhs  nilh  fetters  of  iron. 

The  I.onl  1  epioves  holh  cowardiex  and  opposition  to 
0(|uituhle  waifaie.     That  spirit  of  Hhivislj  rupidity, 
which  de,mad.;s  men  or  nations,  and  disposes  theni 
to  prefer  i^r.johle   peaee  (o  manly  warfare,  as  it  is 
hase  and   pnsilhujinions,   k  also  contemned  by  the 
word  of  (,od,  which  always  recommends  every  thing 
Ihatislruly  i.Tea<,  ma^^nanimous,  and  good.     den. 
Aiv.  40.  /ssaehar  is  a  strong  Ass,  couching  down  he- 
fwcen  two  burdens :  and  he  saw  that  rest  was  good,  and 
the  land  that  it  was  pleasant  ;  and  bowed  his  shoulder 
to   hear,  and  became  a  servant  unto  tribute.     They 
have  grossly  n)isrepresented  Christianity,  who  have 
described  it  as  a  system  subservient  to  the  ambition 
of  the  few,  and  the  reduction  to  servitude,  of  the 
many.     It  administers  reproof  in  a  vehement  lone, 
to  all,  who,  when  duty  called,  refuse  to  co-operate  in 
the  maintenance  of  right,  by  war.  .ludges  v.  Ifi— 23. 
Zebnlun  and  Naphtali,  were  a  people  that  jeoparded 
(bar  lives  unto  the  death,  in  the  high  places  (f  the  field. 
The  kings  came  and  fought.     Curse  ye  Mrroz  (said 
flu  angel  of  the  Lord,)  curse  ye  bitterly  the  inhabi- 
fanfs    thereof  ;  because  they   came  not  to  the  help  of 
flic  Lord,  to  the  help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty. 


i 


UKIFASIVK    WAR. 


Ih) 


«  add,  ,n  the  fourfh  place,  the  scriptures  as- 
sure us  that  prayers  are  offered  up  for  success  in 
^var^  and  that  the  Lord  who  answers  prayer.,  vouch- 
•safes  topromut  bolh  a  hlessfng  aud  success. 

I  speak  not,  however,  of  tl,e  prayers,  ^vhich  Erav- 
l.an  power  pre.eribes  for  the  n.inisters  kept  in  the 
pay  of  prmc:es.     I    speak    not    of   petitions    mis- 
chievously  granted  or  withheld,  in  order  to  gratif. 
the  mere  party  politician.     1  speak  of  the  praye/. 
ol  the  inleingent  l>elie  ver ;  of  the  single-hearted  chris- 
tian ;  of  hnn,  who,  uninfluenced  by  sordid  consider-^ 
ations,  pours  out  the  desires  of  his  soul  to  f  Jod,  for 
a  righteous  cause,  and  for  success  to  the  means  em- 
ployed to  secure  its  triumph.     To  such  the  Lord 
l.nU,  promised   the  victory,  in  a  legitimate  contest 
w.th  Ihe  sword.     Lev.  xxvi.  7.   Ye  shall  chase  your 
enemes^  and  they  shall  fall  before  you  hy  the  sLel 
2  Kmgs  ni.  18,  19.  He  will  deUv^r  the  Moalnfes  also 
rnlo  your  hand:  and  ye  shall  smite  every  fenced  cilu 
i  snlm  xciv.  1,  2.  O  Lord,  to  whom  vengeance  belont 
eth-^show  thyself.     Lift  up  thyself  thou  Judge  of  the 
rarth,  render  a  reward  to  the  proud.     Veises  20  2> 
Shall  the  throne  of  iui^pdly  have  fellowship  with  \hec, 
nhuh  jrameth  mischief  by  a  law?     The  Lord  our 
God  shall  cut  them  off.     Psulm  xliv.  4,  .5.  O  Lord 

mmmand  deliverance-through  thee  we  shall  push  down 
our  enemies. 

I  have  trespassed,  sumdently,  upon  your  patience, 
in  argumg  a  case  clear  enough,  without  the  aid  of 
special  pleading.    The  objections,  which  are  usually 


,n'!. 


12a 


THK   LAWFULNESS   OF 


!^: 


made  to  the  legitimacy  of  war,  in  any  cause,  I 
have  already  anticipated,  so  far  as  they  appeared  to 
me  to  require  examination.  No  man  is  more  anx- 
ious than  I  am,  to  hear  that  all  war  hath  ceased 
throughout  the  ends  of  the  earth.  I  ardently  pray 
for  the  time  when  men  hall  learn  its  arts  no  more'; 
but  I  cannot  admit  that  the  religion  of  the  Son  of 
God,  proposes  to  tie  up  the  hands  of  those  who  feel 
its  power,  and  to  reduce  them  into  passive  subjec- 
tion to  him,  who  delights  in  robbery  and  bloodshed. 
1  plead  in  belmlf  only,  of 

II.  Defensive  Warfare, 

In  tlie  application  of  force  to  the  correction  of  in- 
jury, reason  ought  to  guide ;  and  if  the  force  to  be 
applied,  is  obviously  inadequate  to  the  object,  it  is 
in  vain  to  make  tlie  application.    It  is  madness  to  at- 
tempt to  remove  mountains  by  human  agency;  and 
it  is  criminal  to  risk  treasure  and  life,  by  engaging 
in  a   bloody  warfare  without  prospect  of  any  suc- 
cess.   In  such  a  case,  although  cause  of  war  exists,  it 
is  better  to  suffer  than  to  contend.     Upon  this  prin- 
ciple, those  directions  which  are  given  in  scripture, 
and  which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  prohibition  of 
resistance  in  any  case,  are  to  be  understood.     Upon 
this  principle  the  martyrs  acted,  taking  joyfully  the 
spoiling  of  their  goods,  and  passively  submitting,  un- 
der a  righteous  providence,  to  an  injustice  which, 
they  had  no  power  to  control.     They  suffered  with- 
oui  resistance,  because  resistance  would  have  only 
augmented  the  measure  of  their  pains.     This  was 


f  cause,  I 
)peared  to 
nore  anx- 
ilh  ceased 
ntly  pray 
no  more ; 
he  Son  of 
i  who  feel 
va  subjec- 
doodshed. 


DEFENSIVE    WAR.  221 

^Jght.     It  is  what  was  required  of  them  by  their 


lion  of  in- 
rce  to  be 
jecl,  it  is 
less  to  at- 
ncy;  and 
engaging 
any  suc- 
exists,  it 
his  prin- 
scripture, 
bition  of 
.     Upon 
tfully  the 
ting,  un- 
e  which, 
ed  with" 
ave  only 
?his  was 


There  is,  indeed,  an  excenfinn  in  ^^*        i« 
casp«?   ir.  ihr.         1-  *^^^epiion,  m  extraordinary 

case  ,  to  the  application   of  this  rule.     When  the 
Lord  expressly  enjoins  resistance,  should  it  be  o    y 

heaven  i    the  first  duty.     He,  too,  who  gives  the 

S     V        u    ^'   •'"'^'^'   '^"^   *^^  Kings  of 
Isiael.      The  walls  of  Jericho  Ml   at  the  blast  of 

the  trumpet*     Before   Girieon   and    a    co.npany   of 
le^sisted  the  ar«,ec/  .o«.^a„,e.  of  the  king  of  SanZ 

" '^ese,  however,  were  extraordinary  events   and 
do  not  consthute,  in   the  common  pLeed^"     of 
life,  a  rule  of  conduct  in  undertaking  war.    ft  t 
m  those  cases,  in  which  the  issue    of  the  conte  t 
may  appear  doubtful,  that  prudence  selects  T  ot 
portum ty,  and  courage  is  displayed  in  turning    tl 
e  best  advantage.    It  is  manifest,  notwithsta^n  L: 
that  wha  ever  cause  of  war  exists,  it  ought  not  to 
he  waged  without    a  rational  prospect  of  s^ess 

*Jo9h.VK20.  t  Judges  rii.  22. 

:t  2  Kings  i.  12. 
16 


p^ 


m 


I'll 


THE    LAWFULNESS   OF 


This  is  the  coinmand  of  my  text ;  and  it  is  the 
direction  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  liirnself.  What 
king  going  to  make  war  against  another  king,  sitteth 
not  down  Jirst,  and  consulleth,  whether  he  be  able  with 
ten  thousHndt  to  meet  him  that  cometh  against  him  with 
twenty  thousand?  or  else,  while  the  other  is  yet  a  great 
^^y  ^ffi  ke  scndeth  an  ambassagCy  and  desireth  condi- 
tions of  peace.* 

Having  already  established  the  maxim,  that  war 
is  in  some  cases  lawful,  and  having  now  shown  that 
however  great  and  just  may  be  the  cause  for  waging 
it,  no  nation  should  enter  upon  tiie  strife  with- 
out a  prospect  of  success,  I  proceed  to  explain  what 
is  meant  by 

Defensive  AVar. 

It  is  necessary  to  be  very  particular  in  affixing 
correct  ideas  to  this  expression.  Believing  as  I  do, 
most  sincerely,  that  no  other  kind  of  warfare  is  jus- 
tifiable, without  an  express  revelation  from  heaven: 
believing,  that  the  prayers  of  the  saints  ought  not  to 
be  withheld  from  Uiose  who  are  engaged  in  such  a 
contest,  and  ought  not  to  be  offered  in  support  of 
any  other :  knowing  too,  that  agreeable  to  this  rule, 
God  approves  of  exertions  and  accepts  of  prayers, 
I  feel  it  my  duty,  while  addressing  myself  in  Jeho- 
vah's name,  to  the  Lord's  people,  to  define  the  term 
to  wliicli  so  much  importance  is  attached.  This  is 
the  more  necessary,  because,  while  the  words  are  on 

*  Luke  xiv.  31,32. 


DEFENSIVE   WAtt. 


123 


ho  .ps  of  every  one,  the  expression  itself  is  some- 
what  equivocal;  and  pains  have  been  taken,  in  the 
common  vehicles  of  current  intelligence-in  the  pri! 
vate  nitercourse  of  social  Iife~in  the  halls  of  leU- 
lation-and  even  in  the  pulpits  of  the  churches,  to 

lli  "^'"  /  \''""'^  *^  ^"^^^^^^  ^^^^^  obscurity, 
and  to  give  to  them  a  meaning  as  erroneous  as  it  is 
'njunous,  to  the  interests  of  this  empire. 

The  expression,  defensive  war,  is  son.ewhat  equivo- 
T      ,,^'.P     "  '"^'^'^  ^^  ^  '•^^^^^"^^  to  the  courts  of 

Z\     /r      '  ?P^^  *^  '^'^'''''  ^^^  ^^'•'"  righteousness, 
and  to  offence,  the  term  iniquity,  I  am  to  be  understood 
as  speaking  upon  moral  principles.     Offensive  war  is 
unjust,  upon  exactly  the  same  grounds,  that  offensive 
or  vexatious  suits  at  law  are  immoral.     Suppose  one 
of  you,  my  hearers,  is  attacked  in  your  reputation, 
your  property,  or  your  person;  and  perhaps  your  life 
itself  is  in  danger.     You  avail  yourself  of  the  law 
and  prosecute  the  aggressor,  in  order  to  prevent  the 
threatened  injury,  or  recover  for  the  trespass.    In 
doing  this,  you  act  in  self-defence.     You  do  right. 
i3ut  when  the  suit  is  commenced,  the  offender  be- 
comes instantly,  in  law  phraseology,  the  defendanL 
^nd  you  are  the  plaintiff  at  the  bar.    It  by  no  means 
toUows,  that  he  who  assumes  the  name  of  defendant 
IS  not  guilty.    In  the  case  stated,  he  is  in  fact  the' 
aggressor.    What  would  you  then  say  of  a  judge 
of  a  counsel,  of  a  jury,  who  would  play  upon  the' 
terms,  defensive  and  offensive,  and  upon  that  u=e  of 
Jaw  expression,  proclaim  you  in  the  wrong  ? 


'!■ — 


124 


THE   tAWFULNKSS   OF 


The  truth  is,  that  in  applying  upon  moral  princi- 
ples, the  epithet  df/ctisive,  you  must  have  recourse  to 
the  nature  of  the  cause  in  controversy;  and  com  • 
dcr  the  original  aggressor  as  the  otfendcr.  You  are, 
in  foro  conscientiay  still  the  defendant,  although  he  is, 
tM  foro  Icgis,  called  by  that  name. 

Suppose  a  nation,  resting  in  tin  bosom  of  peace,  is 
suddenly  attacked  by  another;  and  one  of  its  cities  is 
taken,  tbrtiHed,  and  garrisoned  by  the  enemy.    The 
offended  nation  raises  an  army,  and  in  order  to  re- 
cover its  own  property,  besieges  the  fortifications  of 
the  enemy.     In  this  case,  the  enemy  defends  the  fort 
against  the  assailant.     Peihaps  he  makes  a  very  he- 
roic defence.    But  is  it  this  siege  that  gives  to  ttie  war 
its  character  of  defensive  and  offensive,  or  is  it  the 
original  injury — the  cause  of  the  contest?   Again, 
suppose  this  city  had  been  thus  taken  by  the  enemy, 
without  any  previous  declaration  of  war;  and  that 
the  peaceful  nation  could  not  raise  an  army  for  the 
purpose  of  retaking  its  own  territory,  without  a  for- 
mal declaration  of  hostilities.     Such  an  instrument 
appears  before  the  world ;  and  the  enemy  thereafter 
meets  it  with  a  counter  declaration,  saying  you  have 
first  declared  war,  I  am  therefore  the  defendant; 
would  you  believe  him,  and  denominate  the  contest, 
upon  his  part,  defensive  and  Just  1  Supposing  ao-ain, 
that  this  peaceful  nation,  unwilling  to  make  its  own 
city  the  scene  of  confusion,  of  carnage,  and  desola- 
tion, should,  instead  of  attempting  directly  to  reco- 
ver it  from  the  enemy,  march  an  army  into  the  ene 


DEJ-'EKSIVl;;    WAtt. 


125 


inv  8  01.  n  territory,  with  design  both  to  make  repri- 
sals  wlMch  lie  nnght  c.crupy  as  an  equivalent,  and  to 
draw  oti  ,he  forces  of  that  enemy  frc.m  the  position 
which  he  occupied,  thereby  transferring  the  war, 
with  all  .ts  concomitant  calamities,  into  the  country 
oflhe  ongmal  aggressor;  I  ask,  wouM  this  transfer 
alter  the  moral  character  of  the  contest,  and  afford 

JendanU     These  questions  must,  by  every  man  of 
sense,  be  answered  in  the  negative.     It  follows,  of 
course,  that  a  play  upon  the  words  offemive  and  de- 
fensive although  it  may  serve  to  confound  and  dis- 
tract  the  ignorant,  is  unworthy  of  any  man  of  repu- 
tation, and  entirely  unbecoming  the  statesman  or  the 
christian.     It  also  follows,  that  the  question,  whether 
war  be  on  the  part  of  any  people,  defensive,  or  of- 
fensive, depends  entirely  upon  the  causes  of  its  com- 
mencement or  continuance. 

The  character  of  ike  war  does  not,  in  any  case 
depend  upon  the  date  of  a  declaration,  or  upon  the 
place  in  which  it  is  carried  on. 

1.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  date  of  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  whether  it  be  offensive  or  defensive. 

If  lawful  cause  of  war  exist,  it  is  right  to  wage 
it;  and  ,f  ,t  be  right  to  wage  it,  surely  it  cannot  be 
wrong  to  proclaim  the  intention,  and  explain  to  the 
civdized  world  the  reasons  for  having  recourse  to 
arms.    Declarations  do  not,  according  to  the  law  of 


J2a 


THE    LAWKULNiiJS   OF 


•  i 


nations,  make  tlic3  war,  but  explain  its  causes.*  If 
one  nation  should  injure  another,  or  inarch  an  army 
in  order  to  subjugate  an  Independent  people,  must 
that  nation,  so  injured,  invaded,  and  threatened,  be 
considered  as  the  ofFender.  because  tlie  first  in  de- 
claring war?  No.  It  of  course  follows,  that  the  date 
of  the  declaration  of  war,  does  nothing  towards  deter- 
mining its  moral  character  as  oflensive  or  defensive. 

2.  It  does  not  depend  upon  the  place  of  combat, 
whether  the  war  be,  in  fact,  defensive. 

The  idea  which  I  am  now  to  oppose,  is  of  home 
origin.  The  writers  on  moral  science,  and  the  law 
of  nations,  never  thought  it  a  subject  worthy  of  dis- 
cuss^ion,  whether  it  was  lawful  to  carry  the  war  into 
an  enemy's  territory.  Neutral  territory  has  indeed 
been  held  sacred  by  the  sentence  of  public  law ;  but 
it  is  too  childish  to  set  up  a  claim  in  ftivour  of  the 
aggressor  in  war,  for  the  exemption  of  liis  own  pro- 
vinces from  its  calamities.  The  nation  is  one,  how- 
ever numerous  its  members,  and  the  ofiender  may  be 

•  "  Ul  bellum  legilimum  sit  indictionan  belli  non  vidcH  necessa- 
riam."     C.  V.  Bvnkershock. 

"  The  universal  law  of  nations  acknowleilgea  no  general  obliga- 
lion  of  making  a  declaration  of  war  to  the  enemy,  previous  to  a 
commencement  of  hostilities."  Martens,  Book  VIII.  C.  2.  Sec.  4. 

"  As  to  the  time  of  commencing  war,  it  seems  to  be  no  way  con- 
trary  to  natural  law,  to  say  it  is  at  any  time  the  injured  parti/ pleases^ 
after  having  received  an  injury.  The  meaning  of  a  declaration  of 
war  seems  to  be,  to  call  upon  the  injuring  party  to  prevent  it  by  re- 
paration— likewise  to  manifest  to  all  other  states,  the  justice  of  thr 
cause."    Witherspoon's  Moral  Philosophy,  Lcc.  XIII.  Sec.  2. 


Icri  necessa- 


UEFEWSIVE   WAK.  J27 

he  accused  of  inju.iioe  for  the  invasion  of  21  Z 

uno«.K.i„,pro\i'::i:.;H:rt:;:;:sr 

-.lor,  the  soldier,  the  merchant,  and  the  tenant  .re 

personally  considered  equally  inoili.>nsive  •  andfor 

he  same  reason,  none  should  be  troubled  in  the  c«^ 

test :  the  war  may  be  waged,  but  upon  no  penon 

whatever,  except  the  sovereign.    wL  is  so™ 

lant  as  not  to  know  that  the  sovereign  is  guarded 

and   unassailable   but  through   his   force     Zl 

country?  Who  so  blind  as  Lot  to  see    hat  war 

out  "'T  "".,""""  ^^  "  •""^  P°"'-'  """  o 
cou.se,  so  far  as  the  end  of  war  can  be  promoted 

thereby  against  every  member  of  that  body.     Itl 
not  the  member  attacked,  but  the  nature  of  the  con 
•est;  ,t  .s  not  the  place  of  the  b.'tle,  but  the  caul 
...controversy,  that  determines  the  moral  cha-^r 
of  an  exisLng  war.  """tie. 

My  definition  of  defensive  war  is,  Th.  application 
«//«m  by  ^ne  commonneallh  to  amther.forthe  Jr- 
pose  ofpremuing  or  redressing  actual  i^uries  iMcU 
rd  or  about  lo  be  inflicted.  ^ 

As  to  the  ejaily  of  the  war,  little  depends  upon  the 
-nagn..ude  of  the  injury.  This  consideration  will  of 
course  determine  its  expediency.  If  ,he  evil  inflict 
od  be  s.„all  there  is  less  excuse,  upon  the  pa.t  „f 


w 


128 


THE   LAWFULNESS   01 


111 


the  aggressor,  for  persisting  in  it  at  the  risk  of  an 
appeal  to  arms.  He  is  not  entitled  to  impunity,  on 
account  of  its  being  unimportant,  provided  it  be  a 
violation  of  right.  It  is  for  the  offended  party  to 
judge  of  the  proper  measure  of  his  own  patience 
under  suffering,  and  of  the  time  and  place,  in  which 
it  is  expedient  for  him  to  seek  redress.  Although 
the  injury  be  only  about  to  be  inflicted,  he  may  just- 
ly apply  force  to  prevent  it:  a  declaration  of  war 
previous  to  actual  hostility,  entitles  the  other  to 
commence  hostilities ;  and  actions,  which  amount  to 
a  declaration,  give  the  same  right. 

In  such  an  important  inquiry  as  this,  1  wish  you, 
my  brethren,  to  judge  conscientiously  for  yourselves. 
I  shall  lay  before  you,  therefore,  in  confirmation  of 
my  definition,  the  sentiments  of  approved  writers  en 
public  law,  and  moral  philosophy ;  and  1  shall  then 
direct  you  to  the  bible,  in  order  ;  >  put  the  question 
at  rest. 

1.  The  Authority  of  Writers  on  Pullic  Law. 

These  writers  have  with  one  voice  declared  them- 
selves in  favour  of  the  principles  of  defensive  war, 
which  I  have  laid  down.  They  uniformly  represent 
the  lawful  object  of  war  as  threefold;  precaution 
against  injury — resistance  to  its  progress — and  re- 
dress for  what  has  already  been  inflicted.  When  a 
nation  is  threatened  with  evil,  war  is  lawfully  waged 
in  order  to  prevent  it — this  is  precaution.  When  tlie 
national  riglits  are  in  fact  invaded,  they  may  be  de- 


UEFEXsiVE  War; 


129 


risk  of  an 
ipunity,  on 
led  it  be  a 
d  party  to 
n  patience 
e,  in  which 

Although 
i  may  just- 
on  of  war 
e  other  to 
amount  to 


wish  you, 
i^ourselves. 
rmation  of 
writers  on 

shall  then 
3  question 


Oa/r. 


ired  them- 

iisive  war, 

represent 

lECAUTION 

—•and  RE- 
When  a 
!ly  waged 
When  llie 
lay  be  de- 


fended  by  the  sword-tliis  is  resistance:  and  after  a 
people  have  suffered  injustice,  they  may  declare  war 
to  recover  an  equivalent  to  their  loss-this  is  r.rfm.  ; 
ana  all  these  are  considered  as  defensive  war.  The 
lights,  for  the  vindication  of  which,  it  is  proper  to 
contend  with  the  sword,  are  capable  of  being  reduced 
under  three  heads-LiBERTY-PKoPEirrY-iND  Na- 
tional Honour.  War  in  vindication  of  any  of  these 
rights,  ,s  legitimate  according  to  the  maxims  of  pub- 
be  law.    I  give  you  my  authorities. 

«  There  are  causes  for  which  we  undertake  war  by 
the  conduct  of  nature,  as  in  the  eause  of  defence- 
Because  the  law  of  nature  is  violated,  war  is  under- 
taken.    There  is  a  TUHEEKOLD  DEFENCE,  ntcessary, 
profitable,  and  honest;  yet  we   shall  deem  them  all 
ueeessarj/.    This  defence  is  neeessary.  against  whom 
an  armed  enemy  comes-1  call  that  a  profitable  de- 
lence,  when  we  move  war,  fearing  lest  we  ourselves 
should  be  warred  upon-Honest  defence  is  underta- 
ken for  other  men's  sakes ;  to  free  him  to  whom  in- 
jury is  done,  out  of  the  hand   of  the   injurious." 
Al.  Gentilis,  Be  Jure  belli  et  pads. 

"  W^ar  is  offensive  on  the  part  of  the  soverei<rn 
who  commits  the  first  act  of  violence.  It  is  defen- 
sive upon  the  part  of  him  who  receives  the  first  act 
of  violence.  Nothing  short  of  the  violation  of  a 
perfect  right,  either  committed,  committing,  or  with 
which  a  nation  is  threatened  in  future,  can  justify  the 
undertak?-ig  of  a  war  :  on  the  other  hamleveri/  such 
violation,  wJien  proved,  and  when  amicable  means 

17 


130 


THE   LAWFnLNESS   OF 


*f* 


have  been  tri«d  in  vain,  or  when  it  is  evident  that  it 
would  be  useless  to  try  such  means,  justifies  the  in- 
jured parly  in  resorting  to  arms.^*    Martens,  Book 
nil.  a  2.  Sec.  2,  3. 

"  The  objects  of  just  war,  are  precaution,  defence^ 
or  reparation.  In  a  larger  sense,  every  just  war  is 
A  DEFENSIVE  WAR,  iuasmuch  as  every  just  war  sup- 
poses an  injury  perpetrated^  attempted,  ov  feared.'' 
Paley's  Moral  Phil.  C.  12. 


I 


"  The  causes  of  commencing  war,  are  the  viola- 
tion OF  any  perfect  right — as  taking  away  the 
properly  of  the  other  state,  or  the  lives  of  its  subjects, 
or  restraining  them  in  their  industry,  or  hindering 
them  in  the  use  of  things  common.  The  preservation 
of  our  property  implies,  that  if  others  take  such 
measures  as  are  not  to  be  accounted  for,  but  upon 
the  supposition  of  an  intention  of  wronging  me,  it  is 
often  easier  and  safer  to  prevent  and  disarm  the  rob- 
ber, than  to  suffer  him  to  commit  the  violence." 
Witherspoon's  Mor.  Phil.  Lee.  13. 


I  might  easily  multiply  testimonies,  should  it  be 
deemed  necessary ;  but  I  forbear.  There  is  not  one 
writer  upon  public  law,  who  would  venture  his  re- 
putation before  the  world,  by  denying  the  principles 
of  legitimate  war,  which  I  have  stated.  And  it  worst 
of  all  becomes  the  apologists  of  that  nation,  with 
which  this  republic  is  now  at  war,  (a  nation  which  is: 
itself  scarcely  ever  at  peace  with  its  neighbours,)  to 
refuse  their  assent  to  the  doctrine  here  laid  down. 


DEFENSIVE   W  .R. 


dent  that  k 
ifies  the  in- 
TEJVs,  Book 


oti,  defence^ 

UST  WAR  IS 

t  war  sup- 
er feared.'' 


13| 


Ifit  be  criminal  to  defend  by  the  sword,  the  rights 
which  have  been  mentioned,  no  excuse  whatevei  re- 
mains for  the  mistress  of  the  ocean,  as  her  votaries 
denominate  the  empire  of  Great  Britain. 

Addressing  myself  to  christians,  however,  in  the 
name  of  the  Author  of  religion,  1  draw,  from  the 
rule  and  the  instructions  of  my  embassy,  the  most 
conclusive  arguments. 


THE  VIOLA- 

away  the 
ts  subjects, 
r  hindering 
reservation 
take  such 
,  but  upon 
ig  me,  it  is 
•m  the  rob- 
violence." 


ould  it  be 
is  not  one 
Lire  his  re- 
principles 
id  it  worst 
tion,  with 
n  which  is 
ibours,)  to 
aid  down. 


2.  The  Testimony  of  the  Bible, 

We  refer  you  only  to  three  historical  facts.  They 
have  the  sanction  of  his  authority  who  is  aJone  Lord  of 
the  conscience.  They  serve  to  show  that  war  is  law- 
ful when  waged  in  defence  of  liherty,  whether  civil 
or  ieligious--in  defence  of  ;,ro;.er/3,-or  in  defence 
01  national  honour  and  independence,"^ 

wrht!"„fh-''"Tr'''  ^^^  «"«"*'""g«  «f  the  Rev.  Alexander  Shields. 
wrmen  by  h.mse If,  an  account  is  given  of  his  examination  befor^ 
the  pnvy  council,  and  the  justiciary  of  Scotland,  in  the  reign  of 
James  l.  where  he  argued  the  justness  of  be.knsive  wak.  The 
same  doctnne  was  afterwards  vindicated  in  his  dispute  with  the 
Bishops,  to  whom  he  was  referred. 

He  maintained  his  principles  with  great  force  and  copiousness  of 
argument  hFrom  the  law  of  nature.  2.  Prom  the'.  aUce  o 
nat.ons.  3.  Prom  the  scriptures.  He  under  the  third  head,  par- 
hcular  y  ,ns,sts  upon  the  love  of  liberly,  rvhick  Christianity  inspires 
and  cuUtvales,  as  exemplified,  1.  In  the  rvars  of  defence  against  ty! 
ranny,  wh.ch  the  saints  waged ;  and,  2.  Which  revelation  sanctions 

I.  He  gives  etght  historical  instances  of  the  practice  of  the  horde's 
People  ^ndefen.ve  rvar:  viz.  The  Maccabees-The  Bohemians^- 

III  ^'''Z"'-^''"  ''""''"   Protestants-The  Hollanders^ 
The  Frencii  H«guenots-The  Poles«.And  the  Scottish  Reform- 


132 


THJ;:    LAVVFULi\t:SS    OK 


1.  Tlie  Patriarch  Abraham,  waged  wai-  for  the  re- 
covery of  connexions  taken  captive,  and  of  property 
illegally  seized.     This  is  the  first  instance  of  war- 
fare recorded  in  the  scriptures.     The  narrative  is 
given  by  tlie  prophet  Moses,  Gen.  xiv.     That  it  is 
an  instance  of  lawful  war,  is  evident,  not  only  from 
the  equity  of  the  cause,  but  also  from  the  character 
of  the  friend   of  God,  Abraham,  tlie  father  of  the 
faithful ;  from  the  success  given  to  his  enterprize  as 
a  blessing  from  the  Lord ;  and  from  the  benediction 
passed  upon  him  by  Melchizedek,  who  received,  as 
the  priest  of  the  Most  High  God,  tithes  of  all  that 
he  had  when  he  returned  home  in  triumph.     Verses 
18,  20.  And  Melchizedek  king  of  Salem  brought  forth 
bread  and  wine,  and  he  was  the  priest  of  the  Most 
High  God.    And  he  blessed  him,  find  said,  blessed 

ors.     He  proves  beyond  a  doubt,  that  uhererer  true  religion  pre- 
vailed, there  was  a  spirit  of  resistance  to  despotic  power. 

II.  From  scripture  he  presents  five  conclusive  arguments.  1. 
Jpprovcd  Examples,  of  whicli  he  adduces  fifteen  from  Abraham  to 
Ealher  and  Mordccai.  2.  Scrijjture  reproofs  for  passive  obedience 
and  non-resistance,  of  whicli  he  adduces  two,  Jacob's  prophecy,  and 
the  song  of  Deborah.  3.  Scripture  promises  to  valour  in  lawful 
war,  of  which  he  enforces  fourteen  instances  taken  from  the  Old 
and  New  Testament.  4.  Sci\i)ture precepts  for  resisting  injury  with 
the  sword.  Of  these  he  produces  seven  examples.  5.  Scripture 
prayers  for  war  and  for  victory,  of  which  he  gives  five  conclusive 
instances. 

Thus  did  he  vindicate  the  lawfulness  of  resistance,  to  the  arbi- 
trary and  Erastian  power,  exercised  by  the  throne  of  Britain  ever 
its  own  subjects;  thus  did  Mr.  Shields  defend  the  practice  of  those 
sufl'ering  christians,  who  were  attached  to  the  reformation  interest 
in  Scotland,  and  who,  on  account  of  their  love  of  liberty  and 
righteousness,  had  the  name  of  VVmcs  first  applied  to  them,  by  the 
»dvncates  of  aridtrary  power  in  church  and  in  state. 


1JEFEN!?IVE  WAR. 


133 


I'fram^^nd  blessed  he  the  Most  High  God  whieh 
hath  delivered  thine  enemies  into  thy  hand. 

The  origin  of  this  war,  for  undertaking  which  God 
blessed  Abram,  was   as   follows.     Five' con fcdcralcd 
princes,  m  the  neighbourhood  of  Sodom,  where  Lot 
the  nephew  of  Abram  lived,  had  been  reduced  un- 
der tribute  to  Chedorlaomer  king  of  Elam,  and  served 
him  twelve  years.     In  the  thirteenth  year  they  rel)el- 
led    And  in  the  fourteenth  year  came  Chedorlaomer, 
with  three  other  princes  as  his  allies,  to  crush  the  said 
rebellion.     The  four  allied  monarchs  succeeded  in 
conquering  their  five  confederated  enemies.     Their 
cities  were  plundered;   the  citizens  were  taken  cap- 
tive ;  and  Lot  was  among  the  number  of  the  prison- 
ers.    When  Abram  heard  tiiis,  he  armed  his  three 
hundred  and  eighteen  servants,  and  assisted  by  three 
neighbouring  princes,  Mamrc,  Eshcol,  mK\An(r,  who 
acted  as  his  auxiliaries,  he  pursued  the  victorious 
foe,  returning  with  his  booty  to  his  own  land.     The 
distance  they  had  to  go  from  the  plains  of  Jordan  to 
Elam    and    Shinar,    to    Chaldea    and    Persia,    was 
great.     Abram  overtook  them,  and  defeated  them  at 
Dan,  but  he  found  it  necessary  to  carry  on  the  pur- 
suit, far  beyond  the  bounds  oi  Palestine  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Damascus. 

Plere  then,  is  a  war  carried  on,  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  own  territory,  by  Abram  and  his  al- 
lies; and  that  for  the  recovery  of  their  friends  who 
were  taken  prisoners,  and  in  order  to  rescue  from 
the  enemy  Xh^  spoils  of  Sodom  and  the  other  cities 


w^ 


134 


THE    LAWFULNESS  Ol' 


of  the  plain.     Il  was  a  defensive  war,  wa^cd  for  re- 
dress  of  injury  received— waged  in  behalf  of  liberty, 
and  for  personal  property  captured  by  another  power. 
Abraham's  conscience  was  too  enlightened,  and  the 
sph  it  of  his  troops  too  courageous,  to  invent  pre- 
tended scruples  about  geographical  boundaries ;  their 
sense  of  personal  liberty  was  too  keen  and  honour- 
able, to  think  of  expense      • !  dp.i.ger,  when  their 
friends  and  their  countrynr  ;    v  ,re  taken  away  by 
force  from  their  employments  and  their  homes.    It 
remained  for  a  people  of  a  different  spirit  from  that 
which  inrtuenced  the  father  of  the  faithful,  to  call  in 
question,  (he  legitimacy  of  making  war,  beyond  the 
limits  of  their  own  country,  for  the  purpose  of  reco- 
vering property  unjustly  captured,  and  for  releasing 
their  fellow-citizens  held  in  bondage. 

2.  Gideon,  by  the  command  of  his  God,  waged  war 
against  Midiany  in  order  to  recover  the  liberties  of 
Israel,  as  well  as  the  enjoyment  of  the  fruits  of  their  in- 
dustry. The  history  is  found  in  Judges,  Chap.  vi.  and 
viii.    It  appeai-s  that  the  Midianites,  and  the  Amakk- 
ties  took  possession  of  the  fields  of  Palestine ;  and 
banished  from  the  farms  which  they  had  formerly 
cultivated,  the  tenants  of  the  soil.    Those  who  were 
permitted  to  remain  in  their  possessions,  had  to  hide 
their  sheaves  when  reaped,  and  to  thresh  their  corn 
in  secret,  lest  they  should  become  a  prey.    Such  an 
uncertain  tenure  of  property  was  a  great  vexation. 
Frequent  spoliations  constituted  an  injury  which  re- 
quired an  appeal  to  arms  for  resistance  and  redress. 
The  Lord  God  Oiiected  that  hostilities  be  forthwith 


OKFENSIVK   WAft. 


13^ 


commenced.    Gideon  obeyed  ;  and  he  delivered  hie 
country.    The  war  was  undertaken,  principally,  in 
defence  oi  property,  for  obtaining  and  enjoying  which 
liberty  ,s  essentially  necessary.    The  Israelites,  rous- 
ed to  action  by  the  divine  blessing,  and  led  on  to 
battle  by  the  son  of  Joash,  pursued  the  enemy  be- 
yond  the  Jordan,  to  the  cities  at  the  head  of  Arnon 
Regarding  the  cause  in  which  tiiey  were  engaged 
they  thought  not  of  limith.g  their  defence  by  an 
imagmary  line,  until  the  end  for  which  they  took 
up  arms  was  accomplished.     They  had  to  find  and 
light  an  enemy;  and  they  had  no  objection  to  meet 
hi.n  on  his  own  territory.     Gideon  went  up  on  the 
east  of  Nobah,  learning  that  Zeba  and  Zalmmmu 
were  m  Karkor,    He  put  them  to  flight ;  pushed 
the  victory;  overtook  the  two  kings;  made  them 
prisoners,  and  returned  in  triumph  to  his  own  coun- 
try. 

3.  The  last  instance  to  which  I  shall  refer  you,  i^^ 
selected  from  the  history  of  the  son  of  Jesse. 

The  narrative  is  found  in  1  Chron.  xix.  and  in 
2  bam.  X.  The  case  is  as  follows :  Nahash,  kin<^ 
ot  the  Ammonites,  had  shown  friendship  to  Da- 
vid before  he  mounted  the  throne  of  Israel;  and  at 
his  death,  David  sent  ambassadors  to  pay  his  respects 
to  Hanun  his  son  and  successor.  The  young  king 
influenced  by  the  evil  advice  of  his  courtiers,  insulted 
these  ambassadors,  by  shaving  off*  their  beards,  and 
dishguring  their  garments.  David  heard  of  this,  and 
indignant  at  the  insult,  prohibited  the  return  of  his 


jiib 


lllE    LAWirLM'.hS   or 


'¥..! 


servant.;  to  Mic  cnpilal,  iiiilil  i\m  leproacli  hIiouM  he 
\\i\H'i\  away.     Tarn/  at  Juicho  unlil  your  beards  bt 


i(ronn. 


Tlu!  <liil(lr(Mi  of  Ainmon  uiidtusiood   the 
tiiaractcr  of  the  kino-  of  hnwA  too  well,  to  iiiiagiius 
tliat  \iv  would  put  up  Willi  lliu  indijrnity  llius  showed 
to  his  crown,  in  llie  pcusoiis  of  his  public  servants: 
and  (hey  accordinoly  made  innnediale  preparation  to 
meet  Hie  ncHtssary  consecjuences.     They  saw  that 
Ihti/  made  t/nmst/ves odious  lo  iMvid  ;  and  Ihey  called 
upon   Iheir  numerous  allies   (o   come   lo   Iheir   as- 
sislanc«\     An  army  is  collected  lo  diftnd  (he  land  of 
IMoal) ;  and  Ihey  encamp  before  Ihe  irtUcs  of  their 
own  principal  frontier  city,  Mcdiba.     In  the  mean 
lime    David  was  neither  idle  nor  terrilied.     lie  or- 
deriMl  Joab,  at  the  head  of  his  army,  <o  march  to  tin; 
eonlesl.     The  order  was  obeyed.     Tim  enemy  was 
attacked   in  his  own  c«>unlry  ;  and,  before  tlu>  oates 
of  Mcdvba,  the  Syrians  and    Ammonites,  althouoh 
nctino    upon   the  defei..^ive,  were  routed   by  the  in- 
vadiiii.  armies  of  Israel.     The  Syrians  rallied,  beino 
reinforced  from  beyond  the  Euphrates.  After  retirino 
to  Ihlaui,  Ifadarczcr,  their  ku\^,  waited  there,  until 
David  with  the  Israelitish  iw /////«  came  and  gave  him 
battle.     This  seeond  victory  put  an  end  to  the  Si/- 
rian  war.     Joab  continued   liis   success  against  the 
Annnonites,  untilhaving  taken  their  capital,  Rahbalt. 
by  storm,  they  also  yielded  to  the  conqueror. 

This  narrative  exphiins  the  doctrine  of  legitimate 
warfaie,  and  cotiliiins,  completely,  what  I  have  al- 
ready said,  in  delining  defensive  war.  Actual  wai 
was   tir^t  commenced    by  David,  and  it  was  com 


DKKF.K.HVK    \V.\l{. 


J  37 


mcnced  too  I  nyond  the  line  of  his  own  fernioiy.  It 
was  p,,,secut(Ml,  .r.oreover.  again.!  I.oth  the  A.n- 
momtos  and  the  Syrians,  in  their  own  cour.try,  unlil 
ItMah  wan  totally  demolished,  and  (he  Syrians 
forced  to  sulmni  lo  an  l.raeliti.sh  garrison  established 
in  JJamascus. 


n  IS  not  th(>  ^.,.of  declaring  war.  or  of  making 
tl.e  attack,  nor  is  it  the ;./«.,  i„  which  the  war  is  ca," 
iied  on,  that  determines  ils  character.     In  (viry  in 
stance,  except  in  giving  the>V.v/  ofena,  Ihe  An.mon- 
'les   in   this  war  acled   upon  the   dffcnsivc.     'J'hev 
never  left  their  own  country.     They  defended  their 
own  Cities  and  their  own  firesides :  but  Israel  cau.e 
upon  Ihem.  fought  them,  and  subducul  them.     8til/ 
lowever,  this  was,  upon  the  part  of  Ammon,  an  of- 
Jenswe  nar.  and  on  the  part  of  David,  a  drfnisnc  war. 
1  he  honour  of  his  crown  was  alllcted  by  th(.  indj<.- 
nitydone  to  his  au.bassadors ;  and  rather  than  be 
constrained  to  make  suitable  atonement,  the   Am- 
momtes  called  their  allies  to  their  aid,  and  prepared 
for  resistance.    The  king  of  Israel  was  a  man  of 
sense,  a  uum  of  spirit,  and  a  man  of  piety.     He  was 
too  much  of  a  soldier,  a  moialist,  and  a  3tatesman,  to 
say  or  to  think,  after  he  had>.s/  received  the  iniu- 
ly,  that  a  war  in  defence  of  the  honour  and  indepen- 
dency of  his  country,  ought  not  to  commence  upon 
Ins  part  until  the  enemy  attacked  him  in  his  own  do- 
minions.   He  saved  his  own  kingdom,  and  made  the 
provinces  of  the  offender  the  theatre  of  the  contest. 
Under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  he  prayed 
tor  his  aniiie.,  while  besieging  the  cities  of  the  Am- 


J  38 


THE    LAWFULNESS    Ob 


monites,  as  sincerol/,  and  as  acceptably  to  God,  as  if 
petitions  were  offered  for  Israel  besieged  by  an  ene- 
my at  the  gaten  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  the  cause  of 
war  Ihat  determines  its  morality  :  and  David  did  not 
enter  upon  the  bloody  strife  without  a  cause.  He 
lived  in  a  marlial  a^e.  However  much  disposed  to 
peace  himself,  tlic  welfare  of  his  people  required  the 
preservation  of  their  independence.  Of  this  there 
was  little  probability  unless  they  were  prepared  for 
vin.licating  it  by  the  sword.  Had  he  suffered  the  in- 
sult to  escape  with  impunity,  he  would  have  invited 
another  and  another,  until  the  spirit  of  the  people 
should  be  broken  down,  and  his  own  pusillanimiiy  be- 
come a  byword.  He  chose  the  better  part.  He 
waged  war  to  punish  the  insolence  of  Hanun,  and  to 
vindicate  the  honour  and  preserve  the  independence  of 
his  country.  He  was  approved  of  God.  He  suc- 
ceeded. 


This,  then,  was  lawful  cause   of  war.     Do  you 
doubt  it?  For  what  then  did  Dhnd  order  Joab  to 
the  battle  ?  Because  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  give 
battle  to  him.     Very  well.     Tiii's  I  confess  is  a  good 
reason.     You  admit  this.     You  acknowledge,  then, 
that  if  my  enemy  is  preparing  to  give  me  battle,  I 
may,  without  waiting  for  invasion,  become  myself 
the  invadery  and  carry  the   war,  for  precaution,  into 
his  territory.      You   admit  this.      I  ask  no  more. 
This  is  enough.    Invasion  for  precaution,  is  defen- 
sive war.     You  fortify  my  argument.    But  you  do 
not  do  justice  to  the  king  of  Israel.     The  Ammon- 
ites knew  his  character  better  than  you  do.    Why 


DEFENSIVE   WAH. 


139 


did  fhey  call  upon  the  Syrians  to  help  them  ?  Why 
did  they  encamp  before  Medeba  ?  They  knew  they 
were  guilty.  They  knew  they  deserved  punishment. 
They  knew  David  had  magnanimity.  They  knew 
him  better  tlian  you  appear  to  do.  They  expected 
vengeance  from  the  minister  of  God.  They  pre- 
pared for  resistance.  Tlierj  saw  that  theij  had  made 
themsetoes  odious— that  I hei/ stank  before  David.  And 
jve  all  know,  that  they  received  adequate  punish- 
ment for  their  offences. 

I  have  done.  I  have  laid  down  the  doctrine  of 
legitimate  warfare,  from  t  le  writers  on  public  law,* 
and  from  the  word  of  Goci.    I  have  only  to  add, 

*  M.de  Valid,  ajlmitg  the  legitimacy  of  offensive  war.     But  in 
hid  definition  of  it,  he  ineana  no  more,  than  we  and  other  writers, 
in  conformity  to  christian  phraseology,  include  under  the  term  de- 
fensive.    He  differs  from  us  on  this  subject  only  ir  words.     The 
sentiment  is  the  same.    "  We  may  set  down  this  triple  end  as  the 
distinguishing  characteristic  of  a  lawful  war.     1.  To  recover  what 
belongs,  or  is  due  to  us.     2.  To  provide  for  our  future  safety,  by 
punishing  the  aggressor,  or  offender.     3.  To  defend  ourselves  IVom 
an  injury,  by  re|)elling  an  unjust  violence.     The  tnofirsl  are  the  ob- 
jects of  an  offensive,  the  third,  that  of  a  defensive  war.    Camillus 
when  he  was  going  to  attack  the  Galls,  concisely  represented  to 
his  soldiers  all  the  causes  which  can  justify  a  war:  omnia  quae  de- 
fendi,  repetiqtic,  et  ulcisci,fas  est."    B.  III.  C.  3. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  accuracy  of  this  distinguished  wri- 
ter, it  appears  to  me  improper  to  call  that  an  offensive  war,  which 
is,  according  to  the  definition,  2.  To  provide  for  our  safety  by  punish- 
ing the  offender.  Certainly  it  ought  not  be  called  offensive  to  punish 
the  offender.  According  to  the  writer  himself,  however,  this  is 
lawful  war.  The  cause  of  the  cotitest  determines  Us  morality :  and 
this  is  the  principle  which  I  wish  to  establish. 


hviii 


i'lO 


IHK    LAWFll-NK-SS   Oh 


III.  WUvu  a  iialion  is  engnirod  in  a  lawful  war,  i( 
is  ihf  duhj  of  all  to  n/fvnl  it  their  supiort. 

'I'liis  pait  of  my  discourse  docs  not  require  much 
proof  or  illustration.     Its  truth  will  he  generally  ad 
milte<l.      The  usual    way  of   opjiosing  belligerent 
HH  asures,  is  by  calling  in  question  the  necessity,  or 
expediency,  of  having  recourse  to  them ;   and  this 
apcdogy  for  opposition  seems  to  acknowledge,  that  if 
war  is  necessary  an<l  equitable,  it  ought  to  be  waged 
with  the  uiulivided  force  of  tiie  ei7ipir;.     Under  ab- 
solute governments  there  is  no  examination  of  the 
character  of  any  war  necessary  upon  the  part  of  the 
subject:  he  must  obey  ;  |je  is  forced  to  give  support 
to  the  contest  in  which  his  king  is  embarked.     It  is 
only  in  stales,  wiiich  are  in  some  degree  free,  that 
Hicre  is  need  or  use  for  argument;  because  in  them 
only  is  the  reason  of  the  subject  called  to  exercise. 
It  is  in  a  free  country,  too,  that  the  citizens  should 
l)est  unilerstand  tiie  moral   character   of  war,  and 
when  lawful,  bestow  U])on  it  their  most  decided  sup- 
port.    Sucii  a  war  is  their  own.     However  diversi- 
lied  the  pursuits,  the  interests,  and  the  opinions  of 
the  men    who  constitute  a  fiee  and  well-regulated 
commoiiwealth  ;  there  is  no  propriety  in  their  being 
divided  upon  a  question  which  respects  resistance  to 
foreign  aggression.     Subjects  of  local  concern  may 
be  variously  discussed,  and  i)erfect  unanimity  at  the 
same  time  be  displayed  against  the  common  foe.    It 
may  not  suit  the  taste  of  every  one  to  repair  to  the 
eamp,  and  take  an  active  part  even  in  the  most  Just 


vful  war,  it 


luire  mucU 
^ne rally  ad- 
belllgorent 
3cessily,  or 
I ;  ami  this 
(Jgo,  that  if 
o  be  waged 

Under  ab- 
tion  of  the 
part  of  the 
ive  support 
•ked.  It,  in 
3  free,  that 
ise  in  them 
o  exercise, 
ens  should 

war,  and 
jcided  sup- 
per diversi- 
npiuions  of 
l-re«rnlated 
[heir  beinc 
sistance  to 
ncern  may 
nity  at  the 
on  foe.  It 
pair  to  the 
most  just 


"-.V  i-u-s..  .■..,„ii,io„,  of     ;    ;"'"■,".'•,""'' 

accidental  tvils.n.vh-.  f'^;     "'c^e  and  „i|„,r 

-d  c.„„.e.;:  X  rr:  t^"-  ^-'r  ""'■ 

aiKl  (lie  ends  ,.f  .1,1  "  "''"'  ^"s'ained, 

«en<ls  ,o  prevent  exertion  in  obtinr/Wl  1 W  "' 
J'.r>-,  encourages  tl,e  spirit  ,vl,ich  inflic^er  ,h  •  •"' 
0-.  nr,d  so  promotes  the  claims  f  t^  s«ce  w"' 
:;'  --"--ed.  the  contest  is  of  oCe  for  W 

\L  "::  "!'°,'^^"-«^  """  victory  should  avenget- 
jury,  and  Vindicate  equitv    will  ho  .*       ^      ^ 

'o  which  side  his  afleoUo  VindL     Eve"         '"•  "' 
free  statp  i«  r.f  ,     »»cjme.    ±.very  man  in  a 

n.e  to  those   who  wage  a  defensive  war,  we  so  far 
'-.note  ,.,e  good  of  hu,na„  society.    N^v'siIm 


M:! 


iti 


TMK    l,AWKri,NKSS   Ol' 


the  rliiislinn,  under  any  protenro  whatever,  speak  oi 
nti  HO  as  to  encourage  o/fmce  against  the  ri^hls  of 
soriety;  so  as  to  eneoura^irG  the  injtii^tiee  of  the  foe, 
or  to  prevent  (he  <hie  exeeulion  of  punishment  upon 
the  ns»x>'<''^^<>r  h\  the  forees  employed  by  an  injuied 
nation.  Whether  he  en^a^je  in  hostilities  or  not, 
every  part  of  hi.s  deportnuMit,  and  especially  his 
prayers,  should  unequivocally  promote  the  success  of 
tlie  legitimate  side  of  the  question. 


2.  Those  who  withhold  tluir  support  from  the  war 
in  which  their  country  is  engaged,  do  what  tends  lo 
prolong  Ific  aii/. 


AVhcn  appeal  is  once  made  to  the  law  oi  force,  the 
(larties,  if  th(>y  do  liot  ceast^  to  reason,  employ  dis- 
cussion only  as  an  auxiliary  to  the  sword.     It  then 
becomes  a  contest  for  victory.     The  aggiessor,  influ- 
enced oii<;inally  by  principles   of  injustice,   is  not 
lik(dy  to  be  corrected  by  his  own  success.     The  his- 
tory of  nations  atlbrds  no  instance  of  claims,  which 
occasioned  war,  being  relinquished  l)y  the  olUnding 
party,  merely  because  the  resistance  of  the  other 
was  feeble.     When  a  people  are  divided,  they  oiler 
themselves  an  easy  prey  t<>  the  aggressor;  and  even, 
if  they  should  ultimately  succeeil  in  redressing  the 
(ivil,  their  weakness  and  discord  certainly  prolongs 
the  contest.     A  protracted   warAire,   although  ulti- 
mately successful,  is  a  present  evil ;  and  the  friends 
of  a  speedy  peace  will  always,   in  war,   be  desirous 
to  employ  the  energy  which  alone  can  deserve  and 
secure   a  peace.     AVith  the  work  of  death    noFie 


UUKKNSJVK    WAH. 


14a 


should  <i IHe.     Jt  is  ruinouH— It  is  iriiel  to  prolong, 
iJimcccssaiily,  even  a  war  of  defence.     Jn  so  far  as 
any  member  of  the  comnmnity,  in  public  or  in  pri- 
vate, distracts  the  councils,  or  imped<!.s  the  pro^ness 
of  those  who  conduct  tlie  war,  he  evidently  prolonj^s 
the  contest,  and  chies  what  he  can  to  prevent  the  re- 
turn of  peace.     Ho  far  the  ^r„il|  of  a  protracted  war- 
fare is  chargeable  upon  him.     I(  is,  indeed,  an  evi- 
dence of  the  displeasure  of  the  Diity,  wlien  a  people, 
instea<l  of  unanimously  co-operalinjr  fur  punisliiiig 
the  aggressor,  are  so  dividcid  anrl  enlc(d)led,  as  to 
prolong,  for  years,  a  contest  which  might  be  brouglit 
to  a  successful   issue,  almost  immediately  afler  ils 
commencement.     The  man  who  withholds  his  sup- 
port in  such  a  case,  is  the  enemy  of  peace :  he  loves 
Ills  party  more  than  he  does  his  country,  more  than 
he  does  honour,  and  Justice ;  more  (^ven  than  hu- 
manlly,  or  his  own  interest  connedcfl  with  the  re- 
turn of  peace,  who  strives,  for  the  sake  (»f  party,  to 
enfeeble  the   arm  of  authorily,  to  withhold  the  ne- 
cessary resources,  and  to  discourage  the  soldier. 

3.  The  Lord  of  (he  nnivcrsey  who  is  also  the  God 
of  battles,  reproves  Ihose,  who  withhold  from  their 
country,  their  support  in  a  lawful  war. 

If  the  terms  upon  which  your  country  offers 
friendship  and  peace  to  the  enemy  be  reciprocal  and 
just,  you  are  wrong  to  discourage  your  country,  and 
so  encourage  the  foe.  If  in  your  conscience  you 
believe  the  terms  offered  to  be  Just,  you  are  self-con- 
demned if  you  do  not  support  your  country  in  the 


144 


f!  ^  ^ 


THK    LAW!  riLNKSS    OF 


i 


contest.  The  immoral  and  iiTcli^rious  tondcnry  of 
war;  itspainy,  its  losses,  and  its  (lanajerb',  proclaim  the 
duty  of  having  done  with  it  as  soon  as  possible.  It 
is  criminal  to  protract  it ;  and  of  course,  it  is  dis- 
pleasing to  the  Deity  not  to  push  it  vigorously 
to  nn  vnd. 

He  is  a  God  of  justice  and  of  truth.  He  will  have 
us  to  judge  righteous  judgment.  He  commands  us 
to  love  the  truth  and  tJie  peace ;  and  to  promote  the 
knowledge;  anti  the  i)ractice  of  equity.  Therefore 
he  rei>rov(^s  tliosc  who  do  not  support  an  equitable 
war,  as  the  cause  of  God,  the  Supreme  Judge. 
Judges  V.  2.}.  Curse  ye  Mrros,  (said  the  angel  of 
the  Lord)  cvrseye  biUcrhf  the  inh<dnlnnts  thereof;  be- 
cause they  came  not  to  the  help  of  the  Lord,  to  the 
help  of  the  Lord  against  the  mighty. 

The  part  of  Jewish  liistoiy,  in  which  this  leproof 
is  found,  asserts  the  sovereignty  of  (^,od,  and  places 
the  female  character  in  a  striking  light.     Tlie  words 
quoted  are  used  in  the  song  of  Deborah,  the  wife  of 
Lapidoth,  who  by  an  extraordinary  providence  was 
raised  up  to  the  rank  and  the  ollice  of  judge  in  the 
commonwealth   of  Israel.     In  the  song   itself,   we 
have  an  instance  of  female  genius,  under  the  influ- 
ence of  divine  inspiration,  and  glowing  with  poetic  ar- 
dour, patriotism,  and  prowess.     TIk;  prophetess  ap- 
pears,  «  giving  breatli  to  the  trumpet  of  war,"  rousing 
the  spirit  of  her  slumbering  cotemporaries,  and  di^ 
reciting  "the  embattled  host"  to  contend  for  the  li- 
berty of  her  much  injured  country,  to  conquer  and 


DKFENSIVE   WAR. 


Idfi 


to  (riumpl,.    The  eighty  years  of  peace  and  pros- 
penty,  with  which  the  tribes  of  Jacob  had  been  fa- 
voured, after  the  death  of  E^lon  king  of  Moab- their 
persecutor,  had  enervated  that  people,  and  so  occa- 
sioned  their  ignoble  submission  to    the  tyrannical 
encroachments  oi  Jabin  the  Canaanitisli  king.  Twen- 
ty years  did  this  neighbouring  despot  insult  the  fs- 
raelitish  commonwealth,  and  peculiarly  vex  and  op- 
press the  tribes  of  Zebulun  and  NaphlalL     Siscra, 
the  captain  of  his  host,  was  one  of  the  most  able  and 
distinguished  warriors  of  the  age,  and  had  at  his  com- 
mand an  armament  well  arranged,  and  consequently 
formidable  lo  a  people  who  loved  the  arts  of  peace. 
The  people  of  Israel,  besides,  separated  into  twelve 
distinct  and  independent  principalities,  and  Iiaving 
no  standing  army  to  fight  their  battles,  were  not  ea"^ 
^\]y  brought  to  co-operate  so  as  unanimously  to  pour 
forth  their  militia,  the  only  forces  of  the  nation,  in 
order  to  chastise  aggression. 

Cinder  these  circumstances  a  female  appeared  des- 
lined  of  the  Lord  to  deliver  her  country   from  de- 
struction, from  insult,  and  from  injury.     Awakened, 
by   present  oppression,   Deborah   relinquished   her 
ease   and  retirement   under   the   palms  of  Mount 
Rphraim,  and  summoned  along  with  her  to  the  field  of 
blood  Barak  the  son  of  Abinoam,  at  the  head  often 
thousand  undisciplined  volunteers;,   to  contend   for 
empire  with  veteran  troops  supported  by' nine  hun- 
dred chariots  of  iron.    Barak  was  victorious.    Sisera 
ti3ll.     Israel   was    delivered.     Peace    was   restored. 
Tl^of^e  who  supported  the  war,  and  waged  itto  asuc- 

19 


sr;  '"'*" 


140 


tOi\CLl/fcilOi\. 


i 


cessful  issue,  are  praised  of  the  Lord ;  and  they  who 
refused  their  co-operation,  are  placed  by  the  pro- 
phetess under  a  divine  malediction. 

Ephrairn,  and  Benjamin,  and  Issachar,  these  tribes 
that  maintained  the  war,  are  commended.  Reuben, 
split  into  factions  by  party  spirit,  occasioned  lamen- 
tations in  Israel — For  the  divisions  of  Reuben  there 
were  great  searchings  of  heart.  Two  of  the  tribes 
were  remarkable  for  their  power  and  patriotism — 
Zebulun  and  Naphtali  were  a  people  who  jeoparded 
their  lives  unto  the  death  in  the  high  places  of  the 
field.  Upon  Meroz,  who  entirely  withheld  her  sup- 
port, when  the  cause  of  her  country  prohibited  neu- 
trality— upon  Meroz  fell  the  curse  of  God. 


THE    CONCLUSION 


From  these  premises  is  obvious  to  all  my  hearers. 
When  your  country  is  at  war  in   defence  of  her 
iights,  it  is  your  duty  to  encourage,  by  all  lawful 
means,   her  exertions  in  the  strife.     It  is  criminal 
to  diminish  her  strength,  or  impede  her  progress. 
To  this  principle  I  would  call  your  notice  from  the 
pi'lpit,   while  our  friends  and    our  brethren    from 
the  adjacent  country  are  assembled  around  our  city, 
to  defend  it  from  attack:   while  those  amonff   our 
tellow-worshippers  in  this  house,  who  are  tit  to  bear 
arms,  are  practising  in  the  field  the  arts  of  defensive 
warfare :  while  all  ranks  and  classes  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  are  employing  their  hands  and  their  money 
in  raising  bulwarks  on  every  assailable  point,  to 


CONCLUSION. 


147 


protect  our  homes  and  our  places  of  public  worship, 
let  us  accompany  them  with  our  wishes  and  our 
prayers,  lest  we  become  an  enslaved  people. 

Far  be  it  from  me  to  take  advantage  of  the  gene- 
ral alarm,  to  impel  you   to  a  forgetfulness  of  the 
duties  whicli  you  owe  to  yourselves,  to  truth,  and 
to  your  country,  relative  to  those  who  have  been 
entrusted,  by  the  suffrages  of  a  free  people,  to  ad- 
mmister  their  government;  to  make,  lo  apply,  and 
to  execute  the  laws.     Examine,  yes,  examine,  with 
rigorous  impartiality,  their  character  and  their  acts  : 
speak  out:  blame  them  when  they  do  wrong:  But 
forget  not  your  country.     Unite  in  her  defence— in 
defence  of  her  injured  rights.     Support  those  who 
wield  the  sword,  and  who  direct  its  application— 
support  them  with  the  means  necessary  to  convince 
the   enemy   that,   whatever   may  be   the   domestic 
strife  for  influence,  for  place,  and  for  power,  in  re- 
gard to  those  who  have  taken  your  friends,  and  your 
fellow-citizens  into  captivity,  who  have  interrupted 
and  despoiled  your  trade  upon  the  ocean,  who  have 
violated   your  neutrality,    and   who   lay  claim  to 
your  soil,—in  regard  to  them,  convince  the  enemy, 
convince  your  own  rulers,  and  the  whole  world,  that 
you  have  but  one  mind.     Defensive  war  is  lawful— 
a  brave  people  have  the  prospect  of  success— and 
a  moral  people  will  prosecute  the  contest  to  a  suc- 
cessful termination. — Amen. 


>ll« 


THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


•«*\iVs>- 


^     SERMON  IV. 

With  good  advice  make  war.     Prov.  xx.  18. 

IhE  principles  of  this  proverb  I  have  already 
stated  and  defended.    To-day  you  expect  the  ap- 
plication.    If  the  general  doctrines  laid  down  in  the 
preceding  discourse  be  admitted,  we  can  proceed 
harmoniously  in  applying  them  to  existing  circum- 
stances ;  but  if  the  truth  of  these  be  disputed,  we 
leave  the  case  to  your  reflections,  without  urging  our 
sentiments;  well  convinced  of  the  difficulty  of  con- 
vincing men  against  their  own  inclinations.    In  order 
to  refresh  your  recollection,  and  that  you  may  judo-e 
fairly  of  the  correctness  of  their  application  to  the 
present  war,  I  repeat  the  principles  aigued  in  the 
preceding  sermon  upon  the  same  text. 

War  is  in  some  cases  moral. 
JReason  and  Revelation  prove  this. 

War  in  defence  of  property,  liberty,  and  na- 
tional INDEPENDENCE  AND  HONOUR   IS   LAWFUL  :   AND 


"P-mSmB^ 


ISO 


THE    PRKSENt  WAR. 


nF.PKNSIVi:  WAU  MAY  HE  FOR  I'llECAUTION,  RRSISTANGE, 
OK  KKDKK.^S. 

Common  Sense-- Writers  on  Public  Law— and  the 
Word  of  God,  prove  this.  The  cases  of  Abram^  Gi- 
deoHt  and  David,  furnish  examples  in  illustration. 

Support  ought  to  be  given  to  a  just  war. 

A  sense  of  Justice— the  love  of  Peace—and  the  Sa- 
rred  Scriptures,  prove  this  assertion.  It  is  illustrated 
bj/  the  inspired  Song  of  Deborah. 

Should  any  of  my  hearers,  anticipating  the  appli- 
cation, wliicli  I  would  make  of  these  prin(  iples  to  the 
American  side  of  Uie  present  war,  either  express  a 
d(»ul>t  of  their  correctness,    or  deny  their  truth,  I 
have  not  entirely  lost  my  object.     I  take  you  at 
your  option.   However  you  inay  be  disposed  to  con- 
sider your  own  country  as  tiie  most  guilty  in  the  pre- 
sent contest,   if  you  admit  the  principles  which  I 
have  now  repeated,  the  justice  of  this  war  upon  our 
part  will  necessarily  follow ;  and  if  you  reject  the 
general  truths  laid  down,  the  superior  injustice  of  the 
enemy  will,  in  order  to  be  consistent,  be  admitted 
by  you.     Take  your  choice ;  and  let  us  reason  to- 
gether. 

1.  Do  you  deny  the  lawfulness  of  war  in  any  case? 

So  let  it  be.     I  shall  join  with  you  for  the  time,  in 
deprecating  its  numerous  evils.    It  flows  from  Ih^ 


XHE   I'RESEiVT   WAH. 


161 


tESlSTANGE, 


malevolent  passions;  and  it  encouraoes  and  strength- 
ens tlje  vicious  passions  from  which  it  flows.    It  ar- 
rests  the  progress  of  improvement  in   society.     It 
impoverishes  countries ;  and  lays  waste  the  cities  of 
tlie  nations.     It  exposes  to   temptations,   and  cor- 
rupts the  youth.     It  exposes  to  danger  and  to  death. 
it  Inirries  into  eternity,  in  an  unprepared  state,  thou- 
sands of  our  thoughtless  fellow-sinners,  who  miglit 
otherwise  have  had  time  and  space  of  repentance.    If 
it  be  entirely  unlawful,  it  must  of  course  be  the 
greatest  of  crhnes  which  man  commits  against  man : 
and  the  nation  which  wages  war  is  guilty  of  a  hei- 
nous offence   against   the   moral    Governor   of  the 
world.     Upon   your  principles,   war  is   a  national 
cnme;  and  the  nation  is  guilty  before  God,  and  in 
your  own  estimation,  in  proportion  to  the  magni- 
tude of  the  offence.      The  greater   the    war,   the 
greater  the  guilt.     Piety  too,  abhors  guilty  nations. 
You,  therefoje,  who  consider  war  as  a  crime,  will 
abhor  nations  in  proportion  to  the  extent  of  thenars 
in  which  they  are  concerned.     Apply  this.    Blame 
your  own  country  for  her  three  years  war.     Set  her 
down  as  guilty.     Abhor  her  in  due  proportion.  Lift 
up  your  voice  against  your  rulers,  who  caused  the 
nation  to  err,  and  are  foremost  in  the  crime.     But 
what  do  you  say  of  our  foe?  Great  Britain  is  also 
at  war  with  us.     You  say,  war  is  unlawful;  then, 
she  too  is  guilty.     Do  you  admit  this  ?  Her  guiit  is 
of  older  date.     It  is   of  greater  extent.      It  is   of 
longer  duration.     She  is  scarcely  ever  at  peace. 
Ber  guilt,  upon  your  own  principles,  surpasses  the 
guilt  of  all  the  nations  of  the  earth.    During  the 


w^ 


152 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


Ik 


last  fifty  years,  she  has  shed  more  blood  in  IndiJi 
than  has  been  shed  in  Europe :  and  in  all  the  wars  of 
Europe  she  is  a  party.    Do  you  tiien  believe  she  is 
the  most  guilty  nation  upon  earth?  Say  so.    Let 
your  conversation  and  your  political  opinions  mani- 
fest that  you  are  in  earnest.     Show,  that  it  is  the 
abhorrence  of  all  war  from  a  pure  conscience,  and  not 
a  political  bias  against  this  republican  country,  the 
least  guilty  of  the  crime  of  war,  that  induces  you  to 
reprobate  the  contest.     Declare,  unequivocally,  that 
as  all  war  is  unjust;  as  the  guilt  is  in  proportion  to 
the  extent  and  duration  of  the  criminality,  Great 
Britain  is  guilty  of  the  greatest  national  injustice. 
You  cannot  avoid   this  conclusion.     You  cannot 
avoid  the  charge  of  insincerity,  if  you  do  not  readi- 
ly adopt  this  conclusion.     But  I  have  not  yet  done 
with  this  subject.     I  will  try  you  further  by  your 
own  moral  maxims.    All  war  is  crime — A  nation  is 
guilty  in  proportion  to  the  scale  upon  which  it  sins  hy 
carrying  on  war.    These  are  your  maxims.    Then 
you  declare  that  the  power  of  the  British  empire  is 
founded  in  crimco    AVar  hath  raised  her  to  her  pre- 
sent splendour.     Behold  her  navy—what  you  call 
the  instrument  of  her  guilt.     Jt  is  her  support  and 
her  glory.     It  is  that  very  navy  too,  which  hath 
proved  the  cause  of  our  war  with  her.    If  we  are 
guilty  for  going  to  war;  she  at  least  was  the  tempter. 
It  was  her  war— according  to  your  maxim,  her  crime ; 
it  was  her  crime  against  other  powers  that  affected 
our  neutrality,  and  of  course  produced  the  rupture. 
She  despoiled  our  trade ;  she  took  seamen  from  our 
peaceful  vessels.     She  forced  them  to  the  service  of 


THE    I'RF-ENT    WAR. 


1.03 


3in ;  for  you  say  war  is  sinful    Britain  then,  enga- 
p:ed    with  other  nations  in  mwe,   sought   occasion 
to  force  some  of  ou.-  people  to  take  part  in  that 
crime.     She  commitled  a  crime  <ipon  us.   She  is  still 
guilty  of  the  same  crime.    She  continues  at  war.    If, 
then,  war  is  in  all  cases  m.just,  she  is  the  most  un- 
just.    Exannne  your  own  hearts.     Try,  by  your  at- 
tachments, the  degree  of  influence  ^vhich  your  sen- 
timents have  over  your  inclinations;  and  most  as- 
suredly, you  can  no  longer  consider  yourselves  sin- 
cere, if  opposed  to  all  war,  you  yet  remain  the  parti 
zans  of  England  in  her  strife  with  America.     You 
will,  if  conscientious,  speak  and  act  in  such  a  manner 
as  to^  be  above  suspicion :  and  you  will  do  me,  1  hope, 
the  justice  to  acknowledge,  that  not  my  argument! 
but  your  own  principle,  holds  up  to  the  moral  world 
the  government  of  England  as  most  worthy  of  chris 
tian  abhorrence. 

2.  You  will,  perhaps,  admit,  that  defensive  war  i« 
lawful,  but  deny  my  definition  of  it  to  be  correct. 
Will  you  give  us  your  own  definition  of  defensive 
warfare  ?  Will  you  exclude  prccanlion  and  redress, 
and  confine  it  io  resistance  upon  your  own  soil  against 
invasion/  I  am  satisfied:  not,  indeed,  with  the  cor- 
rectness  of  your  views,  but  with  the  sufficiency  of 
your  own  admission  to  the  object  which  I  have  in 
view— to  convince  you  that  Great  Britain  is  ctijl  the 
more  guilty   nation.    Let  then  the  definition  you 
liave  given,  contrary  as  it  is  to  all  authority,  be  the 
one  adopted  in  the  present  case.     Resisimcc  to  an 
mmdinn;  enemy  is  alone  lawful  war. 

20 


lUi 


TUt:    I'lJF.SKM    WAR. 


'J'liis  k  your  (lef.nition.     You  will  allow  me  r.^'aiu 
to  urge  llie  dut^-  of  consistency.     Abido  by  the  aj)- 
plitation  of  your  own  delinition.     Tell  nie   then, 
wlicn  did  England  wage  a  lawful  war  ?  VVlien  was 
her  soil  invaded  ?  Are  her  armies  confined  to  lier 
own  soil !  Is  her  ileet  contined  within  the  limits  of 
iier  own    waters  ?    Was  it  within  British  seas  she 
blockaded  the  ports  of  the  nations,  plundered  our 
merchants,  searched  our  vessels,  and  captivated  our 
mariners  f  No,  my  friends.  According  to  your  views 
of  lawful  war,  iLngland  is  the  disturber  of  the  na- 
lions:  and  her  crime   is  her  glory.     She  is  proud 
that  her  soil  is  in  safety.     She  triuujphs  in  the  idea, 
(hat  her  armies  have  overrun  the  provinces  of  her 
enemy.     Slie  boasts  of  wieldhig  the  trident  over  the 
ocean,  and  in  the  ports  of  the  several  nations  of  the 
earth.   By  your  definition,  as  the  apologists  of  Eng- 
land, you  may  condemn  as  iunnoral  the  achievements 
of  our  ]}rowns,  and  our  8cotts,  our  Gaines,  and  oui 
Poiters~You  may  condemn  the  invasion  of  Canada 
by  the  ximerican  arms :  but  certainly,  you  have  an 
equal   degree  of  guilt  to  balance,  tlie    account  oi 
criminality,  between  the  belligerents,  in  the  capture 
of  Detroit,  the  invasion  of  Plattsburgii,  the  posses- 
sion of  Castine,  the  plunders  of  the  Chesapeake,  and 
of  the  cities  which  lie  on  its  rivers,  and  its  shores : 
and  there  is  yet  a  vast  portion  of  guilt  to  which  there 
is  no  parallel.     If  it  be  unlawful  to  pass  in  war,  the 
limits  of  our  own  country,  you  may  blot  from  the 
number  of  your  saints,  the  names  of  Abraham,  and 
David,  and  Gideon:  but  you  cannot  justify  that  na- 
tion that  has  died  in  blood  the  snows  oi  Scandi?uivia, 


THE   rUESENT   WAR. 


l.W 


low  nie  r.^aiu 
lo  by  the  ii{)- 
2ll  ine   then, 
?  When  was 
ilinccl  to  lier 
the  Ihiiits  of 
[ish  seas  she 
undered  our 
iptivated  our 
o  your  views 
;r  of  tile  iia- 
•he  is  proud 
in  the  idea, 
inces  of  her 
ent  over  the 
tions  of  tlie 
;is!ts  of  Eng- 
ciiievenienls 
nes,  and  our 
n  of  Canada 
you  have  an 
account  of 
the  caf)ture 
the  posses- 
ipeake,  and 
its  shores ; 
wliich  there 
in  war,  the 
ot  from  the 
raham,  and 
Ify  that  na- 
candimwia, 


mi\  the  sands  of  the  Ganges;  that  has  kindled  the 
flames  of  i)eacefui  Copenhagen,  and  levelled  lo  tho 
dust  tlie  bulwarks  of  Seringapalam. 

If  it  be  unjust  to  wage  war  for  the  preservation 
of  property,  liberty,  and  national  dignity  or  inde- 
pendence, I  believe  it  will  not  be  easy'to  l.nd  in 
the  history  of  nations  a  justifiable  war,  or  any  na- 
tion so  innocent  of  shedding   blood  as  the  United 
States  of  America.     It  is  impossible  to  reason  upon 
moral  principles  against  the  .^de  of  America  in  the 
present   war,   without  exposing  the  immorality  of 
the   enemy.     Every  argument,  that  can  apply,  in 
nny  one  case,  against  this  country,  will,  with  greater 
force,  apply  in  many  cases,  to  the  other  belligerent. 
Make  the  experiment,  and  you  will  feel  the  force  of 
my  assertion.     In  the  books  of  the  wars  of  England, 
no  cause  of  battle  which  will  bear  examination  can 
be  found,  if  you  reject  as  illegitimate  those  which 
Iiave   been   mentioned.     There   is  only  one   other 
conceivable  cause.    War  may  be  waged  in  defence  of 
religious  rights  in  opposition  to  persecution.     Of  this 
cause,  however.  Great  Britain  in  her  wars   cannot 
avail  herself.     The  church  of  England  is  not  sutler, 
ing  under  persecution.    She  feels  power;  and  how- 
ever she  may  be  charged  by  others  with  an  intole- 
rant spirit,  she  is  under  no  necessity  of  contending 
by  the   sword    for   toleration   for  herself.     There 
was    a    time   when   English   men    fought  for  their 
religious   liberties.     They  contended   against  their 
own   king,    his    prelates,   his   counsellors,   and  his 
i<rms.     They  contended  valiantly,  and  their  valour 


m 


LOG 


TUF.    nCKSENT    1V.\R. 


deseiTfs  (o  he  held  in  cvoilastiiig  reincml nance. 
That  i\ny  is  past;  and  alas!  the  descendants  of  the 
New-England  pilgrims,  the  descendants  of  English 
and  Scottish  dissenters  from  prelalical  usurpation, 
appear  to  have  forgotten,  in  their  admiration  of  the 
.grandeur  of  British  power,  the  mixture  of  supersti- 
tion and  misrule  in  the  complex  constitution  of 
church  and  state  in  that  land— the  evil,  of  which  their 
fathers  complained,  and  under  which  they  grievously 
su(ft!red. 


There  are,  in  the  British  empire,  both  within  and 
without    her   present    ecclesiastical   political    esta- 
Mishment,  men  of  virtue,  of  truth,   of  piety,  who 
revere  the  memory  of  the;   Puritans,  and  who  are 
themselves  friends  to  the  riglils  of  humanity ;  who 
strive  to  dilluse  the  light  of  Christianity  among  the 
nations;  ajid  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities 
which  even  criminal  confjiK;st   uiay  otter  for  that 
purpose.     But  the  wars  of  the  sovereign  aie  not  for 
the  defence  of  religion.     They  are  political.     It  is 
uot  by  the  Royal  f^imily,  the  counsellors,  the  nobles, 
or  the  army,  that  British  i)iety  is  supported.     It  is 
uot  for  the  honour  of  religion  that  the  sacrament  is 
prostituted;  and  that  dissenters  are  excluded  from 
power.     It  is  not  in  support  of  the  great  Protestant 
cause,  thai  Papists  are  kept  down  in  Ireland,  and 
raised  up  to  all  tiie  splendour  of  their  superstition  in 
Italy,  in  Spain,  and  in  France,  by  the  arms  of  Eng- 
land.    It  is   uot   for  the   sake  of  Christianity,  Tn 
the  most  extensive  use  of  that  word,  that  a  revenue 
accrues  to  the  British  government  from  the  Pagan 


TIIF,   rnESFNT   WAR.  ,,7 

eslaWWiments  of  Indin.    The  wn,-,,  in  sl.ort  of  o,,,- 

lH.n  whioh  yc.  have  given,  for  ,l,o  pu,p„,e  „, 
conden,n.„g.  a.  unju.l.  ,hnt  policy  of  yo^ro>™ 
Sovorn,„ent.  wind.  ,„ak.,  .„e  p,.„viLs  of  e  o Z 
"V.  .n  some  mstance»,  the  seat  of  the  present  wal 

3.  Do  you  give  „p  the  controversy  ahout  the  na- 
me of  defensive  warfare,   an<l   admit  the   instice 
of  transferring  it  into  the  enemy's  (erritorv  hm      M 
<lo"y  «.e  applicability  of  the  ease,,   whch       ,n" 
staled  from  the  Uible  ?  " 

1  meet  yo„  „po„  this  ground  with  cheerfulness. 
I  chnstjan  groun.I.  Lot  the  Bible  direct  our  no 
1.U  al  conduct.  Let  this  book  decide  upon  the  ,d„- 
-pleswluch  we  are  to  apply  to  the  benige,.nt  "- 
t.ous,  .n  determining  the  „,easure  of  theirS"  and 
then-  wrongs.  If  ,  ...ve  misapplied  its  ma.i^^ 
Sive  ,y„„r  uUerpretation.  I  will'  adopt  you  .  "^ 
■omment  and  show  yon,  that  if  its  principles  condZ 

n  etc;  of  «^"T■'  "'"™™"^  '"^'^"^-=' "-  ■""'•■-•I 

^Ma  actei  of  British  wars,  for  which  you  are  an  nno 
l"S..t  against  your  counlry.     Vou  will  ^^  ^^ 
an  opportunity  of  examh.ing,  as  a  sincere  christn 
your  own  heart,  and  of  trying,  before  you    God 
your  scruples  relative  to  (he  present  war.'  You  c^' 
1^^  .letermine,  whether  , hey  arise  from  tendern^ 
c  nseience,  or  from  the  preiudi.os  of  foreign  par- 


158 


THE   PRESENT  WAK. 


OiTer 


o])Jecti 


tlie  proof 


Lions  lo  tlie  proot  1  liave  adduced 
tiunj  mti  ojDie.     jJo  you  say  the  cases  are  not  pa- 
rallel ?  I  jrrant  it.     The  wars  of  Palestine  dirter  in 
many   things   from   the   American    war.     Palestine 
itself  diilers  from  these   lands   which   we   occupy. 
The  people  too  are  in  many  things  dilFerent  from 
us.     And  yvi,  there  arc  also  many  things  in  which 
then-   circuinstunces  agree.     But  to  gratify  you,   I 
drop  all   j)retensions   lo   maintain   the   parallel.     I 
have  cited  the  cases  of  Abram,  Gideon,  and  David. 
JJiare  staled  f 'Ids.    These  facts  are  not  disputed, 
t'pon   the  facts,   /  have   rested  principles.     These 
principles  may  be  applied.     It  is  not   in  order   to 
amuse  you  with  expert  analogies,  or  in  order  to  run 
a  paiallel,  that  I  have  opened  the  Bible.     It  is  for 
the  purpose  of  exhibiting  principles,  and  the  facts 
which  support  and  explain  them.     The   principles 
being  discovered,  every  man  may  judge  of  the  ap- 
|)lication.     Do  you  deny  these  principles?   War  is 
lawful — defensive  war  is  lawful — to  prevent,  resist, 
or  repair  an  injury,  is  lawful— war  may  be  waged 
for  the  defence  of  liberty,  property,  and  national  in- 
dependence, if  any  of  tiliese  are  either  threatened  or 
violated.     Do  you  deny  these  principles?  No;  yoTi 
have  admitted  them.  I  will,  therefore,  apply  them  to 

The  war  in  which  our  country  is  at  present 

ENGAUED. 


In  making  this  application  of  the  words  of  inspi- 
i.itioii,  "  With  good  advice  make  war,''  I  design  to 
^how,   that  The  United  !^tafc5  have  lawful  cause  of 


THE   I'HESSNT  W.^H. 


159 


AT   PRESENT 


n^ar  With  Great.  Britain,  and  to  explain  The  princi^ 
pics  upon  which  the  war  should  be  prosecuted. 

I.  7'he  Causes  of  the  present  war. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  personal  wishes  or 
opinions  of  those  who  recommended  to  tlie  con<rress 
a  declaration  of  hostilities,  the  instrument  Itsejl;  in 
which  the  .:ec]aration  is  made,  and  the  /Report  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreyrn  Relations,  assert  flicts,  and  con- 
tain reasonings,  too    true,  to  affonl   the   impaitiul 
reader  an  opportunity  of  den>  in^r,  „pon  mora!  prin- 
ciples,  the  legitimacy  of  an  appeal  to  the  sword.    That 
in  the  recommendation  of  war,  and  in  the  ultimate 
decision,  some  of  thr  men  in  power  may  have  been 
m/Iuenced  by  personal  iiiitadon— oiliers,  by  views 
ot  ambition  and  selfinterest-and  others,  bv  feai-  of 
giving  offence  to  patrons,  or  to  constituenls,'l  do  not 
take  upon  me  to  deny  or  to  affirm.     Such  motives 
m  some  degree,  enter  very  generally,  into  tlie  rea^ 
sonmgs  and  conduct  of  all  men,  and  particularly  of 
politicians  ;  but  even  then,  there  may  exist  a  love  of 
countiy,  and  a  senr^e  of  justice,  .nodifying  the  less 
worthy  motives.     With  the  private  designs  of  indivi- 
duals, we  have  not  in  this  inquiry  so  much  to  do  as 
with  matters  of  fact,  vhich  are  of  public  notoriety 
Ood  judges  tlie  heari:  but,  it  is  known  to  the  world 
that  lor  a  seiies  of  years,  the  British  S(.vereion  was 
in  the  habit  of  injuring  the  interests  a.ul  honour  of 
this   commonwealth.      Whatever  diversity  of   opi- 
nions  may  exist  respecting  the  extent  of  the  injury 
and  although  the  expediency  and  justice  of  the  war' 


mm 


m 


16u 


TllL    Cv»lJsE!j    Ot 


at  its  comnicritenieiit,  may  have  been  t-allcMl  in  ques- 
tion, no  man  ever  doubted  that  the  application  ol' 
the  rule  of  the  war  :>f  HfjO,  the  orders  in  council, 
and  the  numerous  blockading  decrees  of  that  nation, 
were  injurious  to  the  fair  trade  of  America.  The 
practice,  too,  of  searching  our  vessels  by  their  men 
of  war,  in  order  to  impress  our  peaceful  sailors  into 
their  service,  as  the  ftict  has  never  been  doubted, 
will  bo  universally  admitted  to  be  a  grievance — a 
heavy  grievance  to  any  people,  and  much  more  so 
to  a  free  and  independent  empire. 

There  are  two  principles,  christians,  upon  which 
you  will  express  your  accord.  AVhether  the  guilt 
of  provoking  the  war,  or  of  commencing  it,  be  the 
greater,  you  will  admit,  both,  that  tub:  sin,  fou  the  pu- 

KISHMEKT   OF  WHICH    IT    IS  PFKMITTF.I)  BY    THE  DeITY, 

is  chargeable  upon  us  all ;  and  that  the  cause  of 
THE  co.\TiMJAKCE  OF  HOSTILITIES,  is  diflercnt  from 
Ihai  which  gave  it  origin.  If  I  shall  have  suc- 
ceeded in  proving  that  the  original  grounds  of 
the  declaration  of  war  weie  moral,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  of  the  propriety  now  of  resisting  an  invading 
foe,  or  of  continuing  the  contest  until  it  terminate 
in  an  equitable  peace.  I  do  not  rest  my  aigument 
entirely  upon  the  limited  idea  of  defence,  which  is 
involved  in  resisting  invasion,  although  in  the  present 
stage  of  the  contest,  this  would  suffice  to  prove  its 
Justice.  He  is  unworthy  of  being  treated  with  au 
appeal  to  intellect  or  conscience,  who  would  dispute, 
after  admitting  the  lawfulness  of  war  in  ajjy  case, 
the  propriety  of  repelling,  force  by  force,  when  a 


TUK    PKKSENT   WAU. 


iOl 


13(1  inques- 
)licatiun  ol' 
in  couiK'ih 
hat  nation, 
lica.  The 
their  men 
bailors  into 
I  doubted, 
levance — a 
h  more  so 


pon  which 
'  the  guilt 
it,  be  the 

on  THE  PU- 

'HE  Deity, 

CAUSE    OF 

rent  from 
have  sue- 
rounds  ol" 
can  be  no 
1  invading 
terminate 

ajgument 
,  which  is 
lie  present 

|)rove  its 
d  with  au 
d  diijpule, 

iii\y  ca.se, 
J,  when  a 


cession  of  territory  is  den.anded  at  the  point  of  (ho 
bayonet,  and  invasion  with  all  its  horrors  approar;hes 
his  own  door. 

I   affirm   the  justice   of  the   war  from  its    com- 
mencement.     Our  neutral   trade  was    violently   op- 
posed, and  almost  totally  destroyed ;  our  property 
was  captured ,   our  fellow-citizens  were   enslaved 
while  peaceably  pursuing  their  proper  employment! 
and  negotiation  failed,  after  the  exertion  of  years,  to 
procure  redress  for  the  past,  or  immunity  for  the 
luture.     To  recover  and  preserve  propert>^To  re- 
deem and  to  defend  men,  these  are  lawful  causes  of 
war.     These  are  the  causes  of  the  present  war.  Tlie 
argument  requires  neither  art  nor  eloquence.     It  is 
obvious  to  every  capacity.    It  is  irresistible.    It  may 
be  evaded,  but  it  cannot  be  refuted.     If  it  fail  in 
extorting  confession,  it  cannot  fail  in  producing  con- 
viction. 

American  property  has  been  seized  and  destroy- 
ed :  American  citizens  have  been  impressed  and  en- 
slaved.    These  are  the  facts. 

War  in  defence  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of 
life,  is  lawlul.    This  is  the  principle. 

Apply  the  principle  to  the  facts.  The  United 
States  have  declared  war,  in  order  to  vindicate  the 
lights  of  property,  of  liberty,  and  of  life,  l^here- 
fore  is  the  present  war,  from  its  origin,  a  defensive 
and  a  jusit  war.    This  is  the  argument. 

21 


102 


ini,  ( ArsKH  OF 


You  may  ppeak  about  it,  and  write  about  it ;  yoH 
may  t  lose  your  eyes  upon  it ;  you  may  «^o  round 
aluuit,  and  tly  from  it.  I)ut  you  will  in  vain  otier  re- 
sislanee  to  its  Irulh.  The  facts  are  notorious.  Tlie 
principle  is  confessed.  The  application  is  necessary. 

T  use  very  plain  Ian^uaie;e,  my  brethren  ;  it  is  time 
to  s|)eak  phiinly  u[)on  tliis  subject.  Our  country 
has  sudered  abun(hmlly.  FnsuH  lias  been  added  to 
injui y,  by  a  people  who  re^ifard  the  Am  M'ican  repub- 
Wv  with  an  evil  and  a  jealous  eye.  Tiiey  consider 
this  country  as  a  commercial  rival.  They  are 
alarmed  at  its  rapid  growth  in  arts,  in  knowledge,  in 
opulence,  and  in  powtr.  They  atlect  to  despise 
every  thin-^  that  is  American.  By  their  publica- 
catioiis  in  prose  and  in  |)oetry,  the  English  writers 
strive  to  keep  their  countrymen  in  ignorance  of  the 
land  in  which  we  live.  They  draw  a  carricature  of 
om-  manners,  our  morals,  our  laws,  and  our  religion. 
Their  otiicial  repoils,  those  documents  in  which  the 
Yera<ity  of  history  should  uniformly  be  found,  are 
characterized  by  illiberality  and  misrepresentation. 
Jn  diplomacy,  they  have  practised  delay ;  they  have 
trilled,  equivocated,  and  insulted.  They  have  sought 
tlu^  glory  of  Great  Britain,  at  the  expense  of  the  Igni- 
ted States  ;  they  have  endeavoured  to  divide  and  to 
destroy.  The  hatred  which  they  bear  to  our  republi- 
can institutions,  envenoms  the  spirit  of  rivalry,  with 
which  they  contem])late  the  progress  of  empire  in 
the  new  world.  Kesistance  ought  to  have  been  made 
long  before  it  was  attempted  by  this  nation — It 
ought  to  have  been  made  with  unanimity  and  energy. 


THE    I'Rr.SKNT   WAR. 


163 


In  vindirnfins  the  jusfnens  of  this  war,  upon  1h« 
part  of  Ihe  VuiUh]  Sfates,  ti.ere  is  one  ir.te.eslinff 
q".|st,on,  to  which  T  think  it  ^ny  duty  to  turn  youv 
partHuIar  attention.      It   is  one   of  th.    principal 
causes  of  the  war,  that    British  officers  have,  while 
aot.n^r  upon  the  ri^d.t  of  seareh,   impressed  mariners 
rom  A.ner.can  .nerrhant.nen.     This  outrai^e  upon 
the  national  independence,  they  have  endeavoured 
lo  pistjty.     1  he  practice  was  convenient  and  profit^ 
able  for  the  navy  of  thai  coui.lry ;  and  they  sought, 
for  a  doctnne  which  might  .orve  to  give  to  it  a  «em. 
blance  ol  equity.     They  strove   to  discover  some 
general    principle,  whicl.    might  at  the  same  tin»^ 
gratify  the  national  pride  of  En^.land,  and  fu.nish  a 
a  source  of  allegation  and  dispute,  among  the  politi- 
cal parties  existing  in  the  United  .Stales.  They  found 
such  a  maxim  in   the  despotic  tenet   of  perneluaf, 
alk^mnce  to  the  crown.     I'his  maxim,  never  admit, 
ted  by  any  writer  upon  public  law,  who  has  a  regard 
to  character,  or  is  worthy  of  a  name,  is  no  less  f^dse 
in  Itself,  than  inapplicable  to  the  r-ase  in  hand.  Were 
.t  even  true,  that  a  native  of  Britain  can  never  of 
right  throw  off  his  allegiance  to  the  country  which 
gave  him  birth,  it  by  no  means  follows  that  the  kincr 
has  a  right  to  take  from  his  employments,  any  of  his 
subjects,  to  serve  him  against  his  own  choice. 

1.  He  has  not  this  right  in  his  own  dominions;  and 
much  less  can  he  procure  it,  by  violating  the  territo- 
ry of  a  neighbouring  nation.  If  he  have  no  ri<rht  to 
enter  a  private  farmer's  house  in  England,  and  force 
flie  son  away  from  his  father,  and  his  mother,  intc^ 


:^l 


i 


KM 


THK    CAHSKS    OK 


slavery ;  certainly  lie  lias  no  right,  by  virtue  of  na- 
tive allegiance,  to  force  such  a  one  away  from  any 
other  lawful  situation  in  wliich  he  may  happen  in 
providence  to  be  placed. 

2.  Tf  the  doctrine  of  perpetual  allegiance  were 
true,  it  would  not  justify  entering  by  force,  and  com- 
mitting violence  on  board  an  Anicrican  vessel.  The 
right  of  search,  for  enemy's  goods,  or  contraband  of 
war,  aboard  a  neutral,  is  tolerated,  for  the  purpose 
of  maintaining  a  fair  trade  ;  but  it  has  no  connexion 
with  the  violent  and  injurious  practice,  of  dragging 
men  into  bondage,  when  prosecuting  a  fair  trade. 

3.  As  perpetual  allegiance  gives  no  right  of  en- 
slaving an  English  subject,  by  forcing  him  into  a 
service  which  is  not  his  choice  ;  much  less  call  it  jus- 
tify the  impressment  of  an  American  citizen.  Urge, 
as  you  will,  the  similarity  of  countenance,  of  dress, 
and  of  language ;  and  the  difficulty  of  distinguish- 
ing man  from  man :  these  remarks  go  only  to  show 
the  propriety  of  omitting  as  inexpedient,  the  p"'^ctice 
which  is  so  liable  to  abuse,  even  if  it  were  lawful; 
but,  on  no  principle  of  sound  reasoning,  can  it  afford 
any  right  whatt  ver,  to  seize  by  force  the  person  of  a 
free  man.  It  was  reserve*^  for  the  boasted  wisdom 
of  British  partizans,  to  discover  the  argument,  that 
an  American  deserved  the  punishment  of  impress- 
ment, into  the  naval  service  of  the  haughty  empire, 
(whose  cruel  yoke  had  formerly  been  thrown  ofl^)  for 
no  other  crime  than  hi,^  resemblance  to  an  English- 
man.    Does  this  denote  servitude? 


THE    PRESENT   WAR. 


160 


iriue  of  na- 
ay  from  any 
'  tiappen  in 


(lance  were 
ce,  and  conn- 
f^essel.  The 
)ntraband  of 
the  purpose 
o  connexion 
of  dragging 
air  trade. 

right  of  eu- 

him  into  a 
ss  can  it  jus- 
tizen.  Urge, 
ce,  of  dress, 

distinguish- 
>nly  to  show 
the  p -retire 
t^ere  lawful; 
can  it  afford 

person  of  a 
sted  wisdom 
ument,  that 

of  impress- 
hty  empire, 
own  ofl')  for 

an  English- 


4.  The  pretext  of  perpetual  allegiance,  can  have 
no  eflect,  in  giving  the  semblance  of  equity  to  the 
practice,  in  the  extent  to  which  it  has  been  carried 
by  the  officers  of  the  British  crown.  They  have 
claimed  the  right  of  removing  from  the  vessels, 
aboard  of  wliich  they  entered  by  formal  contract, 
men  of  all  nations,  who  could  not  possibly  be  mis- 
taken for  natives  of  the  British  Isles.  The  Swede, 
the  Dane,  the  Dutchman,  the  Spaniard,  and  the  sable 
sons  of  Africa,  have  been  ordered,  under  tlie  lash, 
to  quit  the  place  of  their  choice,  and  enter  aboard  a 
man  of  war.  Such  are  the  outrageous  acts  wliich 
the  plea  of  perpetual  allegiance  has  been  invented  to 
cover.  It  has  been  repeated,  and  repeated,  and  re- 
peated, until  weak  men,  in  despite  of  its  absurdity, 
have  been  tempted  to  believe  its  truth. 

Having  shown  its  inapplicability,  I  go  on  to  prove 
its  erroneousness. 

The  question  to  which  I  particularly  request  your 
attention,  is. 

The  Right  of  Expatriation. 

The  defence  of  pioperty  is  one  cause  of  this  war. 
The  defence  of  persons,  is  another.  Both  are  legi- 
timate causes.  The  seizure  of  men  by  the  naval  of- 
ficers of  England,  took  place  under  the  plea  of  alle- 
giance, which  I  have  shown  to  be  inapplicable.  I 
undertake,  besides,  to  prove  that  it  is  unjust.  In 
taking  this  ground,  I  am  not  ignorant  of  the  oppo- 


tm 


THK    CArSKS    Of 


siiion  made  to  iho  ri^ht  of  expafriation.     T  am  pre* 


paro('  to  meet  it  iii  all  ils  lorte.     The  question  lla^< 
been  (liscuss(;(l  in  Europe  and  America.     The  sailor 
and  the  soldier,  0';    '  !.. trate  and  the  judge,  Ihe  iaw- 
$;iver  and  Uie  philosoj^iier,  fhe  husbandman  and  the 
meirhanl,  llie  mechanie  and  fhe  e<Mnliei,  the  divine 
and  the  .statesman,  have  taken  an  interest  in  the  dis- 
cussion.    Tlie  (h'cision  atlects  all  classes  of  men,   uid 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth,     h  behoves  especiaMy, 
the  christian  moralist,  to  know  upon  which  side  tli*^; 
truth  is  found,  in  order  to  be  able  to  acquit  himself 
with  a  good  conscience,  wheresoever  it  may  be  his 
lot  to  reside.     If  allegiance  to  human  governments 
be   indeed   unalienable,  he   wlio    leaves   his  native 
country,  never  can  enjoy  the  rights  of  a  citizen  in 
any  other  land  ;  and,  although  the  men  of  the  world 
may  sport  with  pei  jury   the  christian,  desirous  to  act 
as  an  Israelite  indeed  in  whom  there   is  no  guile, 
can  never,  by  his  profession  or  his  oath,  undertake 
to  transfer  an  allegiance  which  is  in  its  nature  unal- 
terable.    Pitiable,  indeed,  is  his  case ;  bound  by  an 
iron  law  to  the  spot  which  gave  him   birth,  or  pre- 
vented, if  he  should  venture  to  leave  his  first  resi- 
dence, from  enjoying  to  the  end  of  his  life  the  pri- 
vilege of  a  freeman  in  any  other  society  upon  earth. 
In  vindicating  the  right  of  expatriation,  I  feel  con- 
vinced 1  am  on  the  side  of  humanity  and  godliness. 


All  men  are  born  equally  free — There  is  no  ob- 
ligation by  contract  to  prevent  entiiely  a  change  of 
country — allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal — 
all  nations  recognize  the  principle  of  expatriation — 


THE   PRE«*KNT   WAH. 


167 


the  contrary  doctrine  hMs  to  absurdil v— and  the 
word  of  tlie  living  God  .secures  this  right  to  man. 

These  are  my  arguments  in  defence  of  ,„y  assei-' 
tion.     [  proceed  to  illustrate  and  ap^.ly  them. 

1.  All  Men  a,     born  equally  Free, 

The  religiou.  whit  h  is  from  God,  lays  the  loh.ness 
o    man,  the  pride  of  royalty,  and  tlie  claims  of  no- 
ble Wood,  in  ti,e  dust.     It  assures  us  that  God  hnth 
made  of  one  blood  all  the  nations  of  men  for   o  dwell 
upon  all  the  face  of  the  earth*-^ihM  all  are  by  nature 
m    a   like   sinful     „d   dependent  state.      There   is 
notlung  in  the  bone,     r  th.   bh.od,  or  the  head    or 
the  heart  of  a  king's  son,  to  distinguish  InV      oin  the 
minnt  peasant.     There  is  no  provision  in  nature  or 
religion,  for  binding  one  man  against  his  will  to  the 
service  of  another.     Nativity,  therefore,  of  itself 

produces  neither  sovereignty  nor  allegiance:  and  it 
iH   of  course   but  a   violence   against   the   laws   of 
nature  and  of  n  velation  to  urge,  on  account  of  birth 
a   perpetual   allegiance   to   anv  dynasty  wli  lever! 
Ihe  relation  of  rulers  and  ruled  exists  only  I   •  con- 
tract.    Society  results  from  the  constitution  of  hu- 
nian  nature,     li  is  the  will  of  God  that  order  should 
obtam  among  his    ational  creatures:  bu(  every  man 
IS  free  to  select  h.s  own  society,  and  make  choice  of 
^he  power  to  which  he  will  submit  for  his  protection. 

*  Acts  xvii.  26. 


168 


THE   CAUSFIS   OF 


2.  There  is  no  obligation  from  the  social  compact 
upon  man  to  continue  in  allegiance  to  the  government 
under  which  he  was  horn. 


That  an  individual  may  bind  himself,  by  ex- 
press stipulation,  to  certain  services,  in  a  given  place, 
cither  for  a  specified  term  of  years,  or  for  life, 
is  not  denied :  but  such  stipulation  is  not  implied 
in  the  social  compact.  A  nation,  it  is  true,  as  well 
as  any  other  body  politic,  may  give  pledges,  and 
contract  debts;  and  every  member  of  the  body 
is  bound  to  redeem  the  pledge,  and  discharge  the 
obligation,  in  its  true  spirit  and  design:  but  mo 
man  is  hound  to  continue  a  member y  longer  than  the 
nature  of  the  connexion  itself  requires.  There  is 
not  in  the  constitution  of  the  body  politic  any  such 
regulation  as  requires  every  man  to  abide  in  the 
country  which  gave  him  birth.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  civil  society,  that  such  a  principle  should  be  re- 
cognized :  it  is  not  proper  that  it  should :  and  even  if 
the  government  should  succeed  in  introducing  it  ex- 
pressly unto  the  constitution,  the  stipulation,  as  it 
would  be  immoral,  could  not  be  obligatory.  See- 
ing  no  man  is  morally  bound  to  the  spot  in  which 
he  was  boin,  and  cannot  lawfully  be  circumscribed 
by  the  limits  of  a  prison,  however  extended,  unless 
by  transgression  he  has  forfeited  his  liberty,  it  is 
perfectly  preposterous  to  allege  that  a  government, 
formed  for  a  local  jurisdiction,  should  claim,  without 
his  consent,  tlie  right  of  sovereignty  over  him,  after 
having  passed  beyond  the  limits  of  its  authority. 


■I 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


169 


ial  compact 
government 


ilf,  by  ex- 
2;lven  place, 
or  for  life, 
not  implied 
•ue,  as  well 
ledges,  and 
f  the  body 
scharge  the 
^n:  but  no 
^er  than  the 
There  is 
ic  any  such 
>ide  in  the 
t  necessary 
lould  be  re- 
and  even  if 
ucing  it  ex- 
ation,  as  it 
tory.  See- 
ot  in  which 
cumscribed 
ided,  unless 
beity,  it  is 
;overnment, 
im,  without 
'  him,  after 
Lhoritv. 


3.  Allegiance  and  protection  are  reciprocal;  and 
protection  is  the  foundation  upon  which  the  claim  of 
allegiance  rests.  When  the  foundation  is  removed, 
the  edifice  falls  of  course. 

I  readily  admit,  that  there  is  something  in  Hie 
idea  ot  native  countri/,  which  is  intimately  connected 
with  the  doctiine  of  allegiance.  It  is  not,  however, 
the  spot  of  e^rth,  upon  which  the  child  is  born,  that 
connects  him  with  the  national  society;  but  the  rela- 
tion of  the  child's  parents  to  that  society. 

In  the  ordinary  concerns  of  life  there  is  no  need 
of  such  minute  distinctions;  and  there  is  too  little 
discrhnination,  exercised  by  the  greater  part  of  men, 
to  be  able  to  understand  it.     Even  statesmen  are 
not  always  wise:  and  designing  men  find  it  their  in- 
terest to  keep  up  a  confusion  of  ideas  upon  im- 
portant subjects.    In  the  present  discussion,  never- 
theless, it  is  necessary,  that  I  distinctly  state  to  you 
the  true  bond,  which  connects  the  child  with  the  body 
jwlilic.    It  is  not  the  inanimate  matter  of  a  piece  of 
land,  but  the  moral  relations  of  his  parentage.    Let 
a  child  be  born  within  the  walls  of  a  church,  this 
does  not  make  liim  a  church  member;  but  if  the  pa- 
rent or  parents  bu  in  connexion  with  the  church,  so 
is  the  offspring.     Visible  society,  as  it  is  proviilad 
for  in  Ihe  constitution  of  human  nature,  naturally 
seeks  to  perpetuate  its  own  existence,  by  conferring 
upon  children    the   membership  of   their  parents. 
Each  citizen  too  is  supposed  to  reserve  for  his  off- 
sprihg  the  benefits  of  society.     The  Governor  of  the 

22 


170 


ini,  <  Arsii;,'")  OF 


I 


imivoiw  np|)ioV(  s  of  lliis  |.iovi,si,m.     Tims  i(,  is,  (iiiil 

<!"•  <onn(iv  ,.ril,r  (alhrr  is  limt  oC  jhr  cliil,!,  nml  iiof. 

Jmmihis,.    Im>   ImpiHMMMl    lo   Im>  Im.i,,  ill  ils   huriUM-y. 

l|r;^i(l«>ntv  phmIihts  an  iilladiiiuiif.     FMiicarK.ii  <lio- 

rislus  a(liTli,>ii  I'm  (|,r  svvmvs  cif  raily  lilr  ;  ImiI,  only 

worn/  rtfafions  /a,/  the  foomtation  for  morni  oh/isra- 

lioii.     II  is  IlKMiijdMiuiii  (,nii,>  |>iivilrn(.M(,rs(Ki('ly, 

Dial  lays  (In.  louiKJalion  lor  <»lK'(li«'ii(«>  to  i|,s  juillio- 

lily.     II  follows  IVoin  Ihis,  llial  prolcc  lion  Uv'iu^  ||ie 

Mid  of  rivil  oovrnmiciil,  llio  .s(>vnvi,«r|j  |,as  no  ollior 

riaim  npoii  |ji(«  alKuiaiicc  ol"  llu>  siiUjccl,  llian  ulial 

arises  IVoin  (lie  proUdioii  uliidi  he  allonls.     yts  is 

Ifit  /notniioii  n/iic/i  I  ash  ami  rnrirr,  so  is  the  jrally 

■ivhirli  /oin.     If  I  ask  nonr,  I  am  iindor  no  allc^i- 

iMwv  W  I  rt(tiv<>  iioiu>,  I  liav(>  n(»lliinir  to  ickmi. 

II   is    liic   viiy  (ssciirc  of  <l('spolism   lo  claiin  au- 

thorify  ovor  nit^  uillioul,  an  «Miuivalrnl.* 

4.  A/i  .\allotis  ravii'nizTl/tf  h^ii^fil  of  Expat rialiun. 

h  has  Immii  very  comnion,  aiiiono  llio  sevoral  na- 
tions of  tlic  eailli,  lo  hanisli  from   lliiir  ten ilories 

*  "  Wy  \\w  law  of  nature  alonr,  rliil<ln>ii  lollow  (lie  con.Iirioii  of 
ni«'ir  latlitTs,  ami  oiilor  inio  till  (juir  linlits  Tlu-  placr  of  Itirlli 
j.ro.l.ic(->.  iu»  ohan-o  in  (his  imilicilar-lor  i(  is  not  nnturi'lly  the 
rlacc  of  hirlli  that  -ivos  rights,  hiit  extraction.  Cliildrcn  horn  at 
Poa-~,Mil  of  ti.e  country— in  tlio  armies  of  (I,,'  state,— in  the  l.ousoof 
ils  ministers  at  a  foreign  court,  are  reputed  native  citizens.  Every 
inan,  born  tree,  may  examine  nliether  it  he  covenienl  for  liini  io 
.ii>in  in  the  ..ooiety  for  which  he  was  destineil  hy  his  hirth.  If 
l>e  tinds  tliat  it  uill  he  of  no  advantage  to  him  to  ronuiin  in  it,  he 
i.^  nt  liberty  to  leave  it." 

Vattel,  Sec. 'JJtJ— 220. 


THE   PltK.Sir\T    WAR. 


171 


"»(o  ofhor  ronnliM's,  some;  «>f  their  citizens— Wiilo.s 
*•".  P"''l"-  law,  a<l,„il,  (l.r,i<;|,torrn,io,,,|i<,M--Ku- 
'y>i(nors  an.  nafu.ali/.Ml  |,y  H,,.  sr-vcal  rivili/,d 
stairs  ;  a.Hl  raci,  of  (|„.H.  (ads  i.nplios  ll.u  luinrinlo 


<•  condirioii  of 

'liUT  of   itirllt 

imtiiri'lly  tli(> 

hlrcii  horn  a  I 

II  (ho  lioiiscol 
ti/.ens.    Evny 

III  for  liini  to 
his  hirtii.  1 1 
iiain  ill  if,  he 


'riu.  liisjoi-v  ofdisiiiiirnislK,,!  „u 


^i"  lir<S  vvlio  Ii;iv<;  I 


i'lom  llir  |{ 


'M,  in  llic  firsl  ran] 
KMinrxiNd  JnMti  jlii;  (ircciaii  sl.il 


ks 


<!H, 


and  ( 


>nian  iv|uiMlc,  (Voni    Kian<(!,  ( 


•om  (lie   liiJMsli  <l 


o 


ol   nisdnclivc  foninicnl  <mi  Ihis  II 


,  t'«'ii*!;;iiy, 
niinioiis,  would  till   vsiIummik 


Wv  I 


Knic  of  disnisvioih 


lavt!    \tvy   ivs\)vvi.iUlv  ri/A.s    ImI 


t'lly,  wli(» 
<ut'at   Itril 


arc 


I 


IV 


<M<!  us,  it)    j!;i.s 

iiio    wKurssi's   of  iIk;    |,„i|,     (ii.it 


»in,   nulwidislandjjiijr   (1,,.    ,|;,i„i,s    ol" 


petiial    alk'oiancc  upon   Ilic   p.u\  of  I 
ndniils  Ilic  dissolulion  of  nafivc.  all- 


(KC 


H'l    slah'Mru 


n. 


couisu  condadicis  die  doclr 


nnlivih/  sini|>l\ conslKufcs    dl 
ah<Mal)N;;  IxMausr  nal 


('fiance,   and   ot* 

iiH!  of  i(;s  |M!i|M;luily.    H* 

I'l^iancr,  i(  nnisl.  Uv  un- 


ivc  ciMudrv  never  can  clianire 


a  man  is  Imuii  l»nl  once.      If  ro// 
hasis  (d"  alleoia,ic(>,   |  I, 

this  case,  (he  „ne  parly  is   |Vc(;  |o  leliuduisl 
nt'xion  in  llio   nalure  of  thir 


:>ve  irained  n 


nlari/  vonlmd  is  l!io 
ly  |Mwnl  ;   for,   in 


as  (h(^   other 


Wl 


i.i^s  condilional,  a? 


HMi    the    (!onnex 


h  a  c(»n- 


w,ll 


<»»!    is   dissolved. 


prolection  and  allegiance  perish  togelher. 

I  give  you  ||u,  law  of  nations  on  Ihis  suhjed  in 
the  words  of  / V,//./.  -  The  K-rn,  coun!ni.  conun'on- 
\y  siondies  the  slalr  of  nhirh  one  is  a  mcrnhn-.  In  a 
more  conliiuul  sense,  and  more  aorec.ahh;  i„  jiy  ^.^  ' 
"'olooy,  Ihislenn  sio„ilics  IIm'  sl.le,  (,r  even  more 
parlicularly  tiie  (own,  or  pluco  where  our  purculs 


If. 


172 


THE   CAUSES   OF 


lived  at  llic  moment  of  our  birth.  In  this  sense  it  in 
juslly  said,  that  our  country  cannot  be  changed,  and 
always  remains  the  same,  to  whatsoever  place  we  re- 
inove  afterwards— But,  as  several  lawful  reasons  may 
oblige  a  man  to  choose  another  country,  that  is,  to 
become  a  member  of  another  society  ;  so,  when  we 
speak  in  general  of  the  duly  to  our  connlry,  we  ought 
to  undersland  by  this  term,  the  slate  of  which  a  man 
is  an  actual  member;  since  it  is  to  that  he  owes  it  en- 
tirely, and  in  preference  to  all  others."* 

"  There  aie  cases,  in  which  a  citizen  has  an  abso- 
lute right  to  renounce  his  countri/,  and  abandon  it  en- 
tirely. I.  If  the  citizen  cannot  procure  subsistence 
in  his  own  country.  2.  If  the  body  of  the  society, 
or  he  who  re])resents  it,  absolutely  fi^  ji^lects  to  fulfil 
his  obligations  to  a  citizf^n.  3.  Jf  the  sovereiirn  w^^uu! 
establish  laws,  to  whkh  the  pact  of  Smicty  f^nwA 
oblige  a  citizen  to  submit."t 


Of  the  third  justifiable  cause  of  expatriation,  M. 
de  Fattel  gives  three  instances — When  religious  li- 
berty is  violated  ;  when  a  form  of  government  is  al- 
tered from  freedom  to  a  more  arbitrary  system ;  and 
wlien  a  nation  has  given  up,  by  submission  to  ano- 
ther, its  own  independence.  "  Those  who  quit  their 
country  from  a  lawful  reason,  are  called  emigrants;" 
and  of  "  the  right  of  emigralion;'  he  says  in  the  next 
sentence,!  "  This  is  a  natural  right,  which  is  ccr- 


^  Book  I.  Chap.  11.  f  Book  I.  Chap.  19, 

X  Sect.  225, 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


173 


tainlye^ceptedin  Ihepacl  of  society ^  It  is,  by  ihelaw 
of  nations,  a  right  uhich  cannot  bo  surrendered. 

Proceeding  upon  this  principle,  all  nations  have 

among  them.*    England  particularly,  as  if  deter- 
mmed  to  make  apparent  to  the  universe  her  own  in- 
consistency, has  furnished  peculiar  facilities  for  na^ 
turahzmg  smfaring  mm  of  all  nations.     The  short 
period  of  two  years  serving  aboard  Jiritish  vessels  ■ 
marriage  with  a  native  in  her  ports ;  and  voluntai'r 
enlistment  aboard  her  men  of  war.  form  a  sufHcient 
ground  for  claiming  them  as  subjects.     The  sove- 
reign of  Britain,  while  he  denounces  as  a  traitor 
every  native  of  his  empire  found  in  arms  against 
Imn,  forces  to  tight  against  his  own  country,  the 
native  of  whatever  nation  ;  and,  as  if  determined  to 
*\mm,  what   is  most   unreasonable  and  tyrannical 
Wit^H,  the  compass  of  human  thought,  he  compels  to* 
the  Irattle  in  ti...  Provinces  of  Upper  and  Lower  Ca- 
nada,  Am#>rican  emigrants   naturalized,  even  «ince 
the  derkr^kifi  of  the  present  war.     The  plain  lan- 
guage of  K^A  royal  proclamations,  illustrated  by 
the  practice  of  British  otficers,  is,  "  all  the  states 
upon  earth   must  allow  emigrations  to  Britain,  but 
nm^\  prohibit  emigrations  from  Britain  to  them-  the 
natives  of  our  ow  n  soil,  and  those  of  other  countries 
whom  we  naturalize,  shall  be  our  slaves  for  ever  • 


. ,'  "  ^  "f"''"  "'"^  ^''"^  ^"^ ""  •  ^^''"eer  llie  quality  of  «  eif.«>„,  by 

«  r^;" %      '^'^""  ""f  "'  '"  •"""^^'  '"^'^'y-     This  «  Ciaied 
mluralKatwnr    Valid,  Scd.  214. 


w 


,<';WW;^ 


171 


THE   CAUSES   OF 


but  let  no  other  commonwealth  dare  to  protect  a  na- 


tmalized  foreigner."* 


*  Notwithslanding  this  exclusive  clainij  of  prohibiting  emigra- 
lion,  and  encouraging  naturalization,  as  suits  her  own  convenience, 
Oreat  Britain  gives  toiler  subject?,  those  reasons  which  require  the 
exercise  of  the  natural  and  unalienable  right  of  ixpatriation.  Slie 
Tioiates,  in  every  instance,  the  pact  ok  societt.  1.  She  does  not 
aflFord  to  industry  and  enterprize,  simifar  encouragement  to  that 
%vhich  is  given  in  America.  For  the  means  of  a  comfortable  sub- 
sistence, thousands  are  constrained  to  emigrate :  others  expatriate 
themselves,  to  improve  a  condition  already  comfortable;  and  a 
much  greater  number  wotdd  follow  the  example,  could  they  com- 
mand the  means  of  transportation  to  the  hospitable  shores  of  Colum- 
bia. 

2.  The  British  Government  does  not  fulfil  its  obligations  to  the 
citizeii,  in  governing  them  by  equal  laws.  The  scale  upon  which 
the  representation  is  graduated,  prevents  freemen  from  giving  their 
suffrages  for  those  who  make  the  laws;  and  they  have  of  course,  a 
right  to  remove  to  a  country,  in  which  society  is  organized  upon 
more  liberal  principles. 

3.  Religion  is  violated,  and  pious  men  are  placed  under  political 
disqualification,  and  forced  to  support  a  system  of  faith  and  worship, 
to  which  they  cannot  as  honest  and  good  men  give  their  assent. 
To  the  corrupt  establishment  they  are  compelled  to  give  the  tithes 
of  all. 

A  very  large  proportion  of  the  population,  and  (he  most  religious 
part  of  it  too,  in  England  and  in  Scotland,  is  among  the  dissenters 
from  the  national  system  of  worship  ;  and  in  Ireland,  there  is  not 
probably  one  out  of  ten  who  belongs  to  the  established  church. 

We  have  heard  in  this  country,  of  the  claims  of  Irish  Catholics 
for  emancipation;  but  the  reason  of  rejecting  their  claim  is  not  ge- 
nerally known.  It  is  not  from  any  dislike  that  the  high  church- 
men have  to  the  Roman  religion  ;  but  from  (heir  hatred  and  fear  of 
the  Protestant  dissenters.  The  watchmen  of  (he  political  relio-ion 
of  England,  now  stand  with  the  Sacramental  Test  in  their  hand,  (o 
guard  the  passage  to  power.  The  Independents,  the  Baptists,  the 
Methodists,  the  Presbyterians,  tUe  ivbole  body  of  Protestant  dis- 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


17/ 


protect  a  na- 


under  polKical 
ith  and  worship, 


rather  .„ffL        !u  ''""^'  ^  *»"«^'  ^^ho  would 

So?;::  r\T:::".'^\r '''-'''"'  "- 

laws  of  mc.Jf.t       ■  "^  ""'^'  '""^'  ^•'"""•e  'I'c 

-ws  01  molality,  and  sin  against  their  God. 

"J  wvma  oe  tlie  condition  of  man      ti       i  •. . 
^pinned  down  in  the  place  oH.r    .ivuM' 

<!-   Spaniard   must  neve     ,10?:^;^   ™'""*' 
Uuis  and  to  Ferdinand.     To  L    ?!!'«"'  '" 

..-eif.  in  4oi:im:;;r  X  ;r';:;rr'"-'^'' 

a  naturalized  citizen  ^f  ,l,i,  ,e„ubH;  4  TT":^ 
^ame  rule  of  obligation  to  t^p"  ^  i"'  >^'  '^ 
authorities  of  Connecticut  eTfnT^  '     '  ""^ 

ofNew-Yoil-ilJi       ,  "    .  Romany  citizens 

"  VoiK,  the  local  jurisdiction  of  every  corpo- 

senlcrs,  are  (lie  objecls  of  or...<;.,i(i„.      ti,.  >  ,    ,  •  , 

Randolph,  avowed  hi,  eumily  a    '.  L^T'        ,   ''"''<''">f '•''"''»°. 

Ills  diocese.  ^'         "'^'""wi  l»  'mm,,  li,t„,  i„ 

"  ""'  ""'  "  "'^°''  '■"'  "--«°S  .he  rigW  Of  c.,,«,Ha,i„„, 


17G 


IHE    CAUSES   OF 


ration  of  a  city  or  a  village  perpetually  binds  every 
one  born  within  their  respective  limits.  According 
to  this  morality,  my  hearers,  you  are  guilty  of  trans- 
gression, for  having  left  the  township  in  wlucli  you 
drew  the  tirst  breath ;  and  in  order  to  avoid  further 
guilt,  you  must  return  whence  you  came,  and  leave  be- 
hind you  the  wives  and  the  children  you  have  gotten 
in  this  city  ;  for  here,  they  must  remain  until  they  re- 
tire to  the  tonib,  You  must,  instead  of  encouraging 
a  free  and  honourable  intercourse  among  men  of  all 
nations  and  kingdoms,  in  order  to  make  them  live 
as  one  great  rational  family  of  the  same  blood; 
instead  of  encouraging  a  rivalship  in  equity  and 
honour  among  the  nations,  and  a  sphit  of  personal 
freedom  and  generous  feeling  among  the  natives 
of  every  c'lLne  and  kindred — instead  of  this,  you 
must  require  that  man  be  chained  to  his  birth-place; 
that  sullenness,  and  non-intercourse,  and  jealousy, 
and  hatred  be  cherished ;  and  that  society  be 
cut  up  into  minute  sections,  with  feelings  and  with 
views  graduated  upon  the  puny  scale  of  counties  and 
of  townships.  Then  will  Aristocracy  perpetuate  her 
dominion,  and  Despotism  horribly  smile  from  her 
bloody  but  triumphant  car. 

The  absurdity  of  this  doctrine  is  so  obvious  to 
the  christian,  that  I  am  astonished  to  find  among  the 
professed  followers  of  my  Redeemer  any  of  its  ad- 
vocates. The  man  wiio  inculcates  perpetual  allegi- 
ance to  the  place  of  birth,  assuredly  calculates 
largely  upon  the  amount  of  human  ignorance  and 
folly ;  he  ventures  far  upon  the  slavish  feelings  of  his 


,*     I 


THE   PRESENT  WAR.  177 

partisans;  b,.t  he  does    little  credit  to  Lis  Jwn 

that  God  has  bestowed  a  scanty  supply  of  brains 

""         ndeed  by  a  course  of  uncommon  depravity 
?a  '^ffl- r'f/^^r "  "-  «"-  fibres  of  the  S 

6.   ^<A  Ihe  seriplurnl  argument,  1  close  mv  do 
fence  of  a  man's  right  to  choose  his  country.     ^ 

The  scriptures  inform  us  that  God  gave  the  earth 

"and,  that  ,t  should   be  peopled  from  one  pair 

0»dsa,d  unto  then,  le  fruitful,  and  multiply,  anTZ 
plemsh  the  earth.-    j,„t  ^^^.^  ^^^^^  PJ      <^  re 

place  of  tl,e.r  nativity,  settle  in  other  countries,  and 
form  new  societies.     There  is,  moreover,  no  pro"i 
sion  made  in  the  scriptures,  for  keeping  the  coCil, 
m  perpetual  subjection  to  the  parent  state      Thl 
wou  d  make  the  whole  world  subjeciL  o    '„„  j^^ 

shall  still  be  distinct  natiom,  which  Satan  shall  deceive 

ZeZ'Vr  '"'"'  ^""  "^  '"««'«"  ''-gdoms!. 
oven  the  kingdoms  of  this  woHd,  that  shall  become 

ItZt"  "^  "•'.'""■'' "'"*  *"  ^'*-'-    I"  -nfo- 
mity  to  this  principle,  the  Governor  of  the  univor-e 


'  r!cn.  i.28. 


t  Rpv.  XX,  3. 


m 


lilE   CAUiiKb   OP' 


at  ail  early  uge,  vviien  men  formed  the  plan  of  acl- 
liering  together  in  one  great  and  corrupt  society, 
performed  a  miracle  to  prevent  the  evil;  and,  so  the 
Lord   scattered  them  abroad  from,  thence,    upon   the 
face  of  all  the  earth.*    Instead  of  permitting  the  so- 
veieign   of  every  country,  to   deceive  the  subject 
with  claims  of  perpetual  allegiance,  God  command- 
ed Abram  to  expatriate  himself.    The  fatlier  of  the 
faithful  obeyed,  and   left   his   native  country.      In 
vain    would  the  kings  of  the  Canaanites  claim,   as 
bound  to  serve  them,  the  descendants  of  Abram, 
born  in  their  Icriitories.     Jacob  removed  with  his 
.family  to  Egypt ;  and  even  there,  notwithstanding 
the  power  of  the  monarchy,  they  claimed  the  right 
of  being  considered  as  a  distinct  people,  and  of  emi- 
grating at  Iheir  pleasure  from  the  land  of  bondage. 
The  i)rocIamations  of  the  Prince  of  Britain  would 
have  passed  for  morality  at  the  court  of  Pharaoh; 
but  Moses,  without  fearing  the  wrath   of  the  king, 
said  unto  him.  Let  my  peojde  go.f     The  tyrant  ulti- 
mately sutTered  the  i)unishment  of  his  crimes,  when 
he  attempted  to  reclaim  as  native  subjects,  the  Is- 
rael itish  emigrants.     Pharaoh,  and  his  host,  his  cho- 
sen captains  also,  were  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea. 

Moses  did  not  offend  the  laws  of  morality,  al- 
though in  despite  of  native  allegiance,  he  invited  Ho- 
bab  to  expatriate  himself  from  Midian,  and  accept 
of  naturalization  in  the  commonwealth  of  Israel. 
Come  thou  ivith  us,  and  wc  will  do  thee  good — Leave  vf^ 


^  Gen.  xi.  8. 


iExod.  V.  l,&c. 


THE    I'HESENT   WAH. 


Il9 


laii  of  ad- 
it society, 
and,  so  the 

upon  the 
ing  the  so- 
he  subject 
coiiimand- 
lljcr  of  the 
intry.      In 

claim,  as 
of  Abram, 
d  with  his 
ithstanding 
d  the  right 
ind  of  emi- 
f  bondage, 
tain  would 

Pharaoh; 
f  the  king, 
tyrant  ulti- 
iines,  when 
cts,  the  Is- 
•st,  his  cho- 
[id  Sea. 

orality,  al- 
invited  Ho- 
and  accept 
of  Israel. 
I — Leave  «-« 


not,  I  pray  thee—and  it  shall  he,  if  thou  go  with  us, 
that  what  goodness  the  Lord  shall  ^h  vnto  us,  the  same 
will  we  do  unto  thee.* 

I  will  not  pursue  this  discussion  further.     I  trust  1 
liave  already   sufficiently   vindicated  the  principle 
upon  which,  I  myself,  in  common  witli  many  of  my 
hearers,  and   of  my  fellow-citizens  in   New- York, 
have  acted.     The  principle  upon  which,  the  minis- 
ters of  religion  must,  in  many  instances  act,  in  con- 
formity to  the  command  of  the  Prince  of  the  kings 
of  the  earth,  Go  ye    into   all  nations— preach    the 
gospel  to  every  creature;  and  lo,  I  am  with  you,  even 
unto  the  end  of  the  world— the  principle  of  expa- 
triation. 

^  There  are,  I  feel  and  acknowledge,  many  tender 
ties  to  bind  us  to  our  native  country.     We  cherish, 
in  fond  recollection,  the  scenes  and  the  partners  of 
our  youthful  days.     We  revere  the  land  of  our  fa- 
thers, and  the  place  of  their  sepulchres.    We  look 
back  on  the  friends  that  we  have  left  behind :  we  de- 
sire their  welfare:    we   cultivate  their  correspon- 
dence ;  and  we  are  not  ashamed  to  call  them  bre- 
thren.   If  we  have  left  the  national  society,  and  have 
thrown  off  allegiance  to  their  rulers,  we  count  it  no 
dishonour  to  have  been  born  in  a  territory,  where 
arts,  and  science,  and  literature,  and  heroism,  and 
patriotism  abound.    Even  now,  I  can  gladly  trans- 
port myself  on  fancy's  wings  to  my  nalive  hi^ls.    I 


c. 


Numb.  X.  2a— 32. 


J  80 


THE    CAITSFS    OF 


would  slill  listen  to  llic  music  of  the  lark,  to  the 
bleating  of  the  flocks,  and  to  the  reaper's  song ;  and 
I  would  close  the  day,  in  tlie  bosoiri  of  a  peacef  il 
ftuniJy,  with  a  solemn  hymn  of  thanksgiving  to  the 
Lt)rd.  I  would  still  gaze  on  the  lofty  rock,  where 
the  eagle  builds  her  nesl ;  admire  at  a  distance,  the 
cloud-capt  cliffs  of  Benmorc,  and  count  the  foaming 
billows  of  the  Atlantic,  rolling  among  the  basaltic 
pillars  of  Staffa,  along  the  classic  shores  of  Jonay* 
to  the  bold  promontories  at  the  mouth  of  Lochlevan. 
I  bless  my  native  country,  and  take  pride  in  all  the 
excellency  of  her  sons.  Others  too,  feel  towards 
their  native  place,  as  I  do.  But  yet,  my  brethren, 
on  a  question  of  morality,  truth  must  decide.  Con- 
science, and  not  fancy,  must  make  the  application 
of  God's  law. 

1  have  frequently  felt  surprise,  at  the  influence  of 
national  feelings  over  the  moral  principles  of  men  of 
talents  and  of  virtue.     Some  men  of  that  description, 
men  too,  of  quick  sensibility,  of  high  and  honoura- 
ble feelings,  have  been  seen  listening  to  discussions, 
which,  in  denying  the  right  of  transferring  allegiance, 
charged  themselves  with  perjury.     For,  if  fealty  be 
unalterable,  the  oath  of  naturalization  is  a  falsehood. 
There  is  one  remarkable  part  of  the  character  of 
the  sons  of  Britain,  which  is  worthy  of  imitation  by 
the  children  of  Columbia.    It  is  their  attachment  to 
country.    It  is  often  extravagant  in  the  former,  and 
it  is  misplaced  when  directed  to  the  society  which 


JcolmkiU. 


THE   PP'^SENT  WAR. 


18] 


i\iey  have  left,  more  Ihai.  to  iiat  of  vvliicli  the>  aave 
become  mr  hen ;  arid  especially,  when  it  embraces 
the  guilts  .,wn  of  the  kingdom:  but  it  is  in  itself 
an  ho  »ble  principle  :  alas !  it  is  too  feeble,  in 
the  hen  ,h  of  those  American  citizens,  who  admire 
the  moi      order  and  t>oli      d  hinery  of  Great 

Bri  ain,  more  than  they  set.  to  preserve  the  integ- 
rity of  Iheir  own  republican  insututlons. 

I  have  not  made  these  remarks  on  misplaced  attach- 
ment to  country,  with  a  view  to  apply  tliem  to  those 
emigrants  from  the  dominions  of  the  British  king,  who 
belong  to  this  congregation.  N     Toyou,  my  brethren, 
they  are  not  applicable.  In  couimon  with  (Jiose  chris- 
tians in  your  native  country,  and  in  this,  the  country 
of  your  choice,  who  are  bound  with  you  iu  the  same 
faith,  and  in  the  same  covenant,  you  embrace,  as  a  part 
of  your  christian  doctrine,  the  principle  of  expatria- 
tion.    You  disclaim,  by  the  solemnities  of  religion, 
allegiance  to  the  corrupt,  political,  and  ecclesiastical 
system  of  British  misrule.    That  was  your  country. 
It  is  so  no  more.     To  our  brethren ;  >  ea,  to  every 
man  in  that  empire,  we  wish  health  and  happiness, 
and  eternal  life.     But  this  country,  although  we  see 
and  lament  the  evils  which  appertain  to  its  inhabit- 
ants and  to  its  government,  this  country,  is  now  be- 
come our  own.    Here  we  have  voluntarily  settled. 
Here  we  have  married  our  wives.     Here  we  have 
our  homes.     Here  we  have  our  children  placed  as 
olive-plants  around  our  table  ;  and  here  we  expect  to 
leave  our  Jlesh  to  rest  in  hope,  when  the  last  breath 
shall  depart  from  our  nostrils,  and  the  spirit  shall  re- 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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1.0 


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1.25 


2.8 


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1.4    IIIIII.6 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREST 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  372-4503 


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182 


THE   CAUSES   OF 


•Jfti 


:V. 


'ft 


!.!':! 


turn  tf>  God.  To  this  country,  during  the  present 
struggle  to  maintain  the  rights  of  expatriation,  to 
preserve  the  rights  of  the  stranger,  who  expects  not 
in  vain  to  find  hospitality— To  this  country,  we  wish 
success  in  the  present  contest.  We  pray  for  a  hap- 
py termination  of  the  strife,  and  for  a  speedy  resto- 
ration of  the  blessings  of  peace,  that  in  the  peace 
thereof  we  may  have  peace. 

Having  thus  vindicated  the  most  doubtful  part  of 
the  cause  of  America  in  the  present  war,  and  given 
evidence  of  its  justness,  I  go  on, 

II.  To  show  the  Principles  upon  which  the  War 
may  be  lawfully  prosecuted. 

Besides  the  question  of  right  to  make  war  upon 
an  offending  nation,  there  are  many  considerations 
to  be  taken  into  the  account  of  its  moral  character. 
Governments,  as  well  as  individuals,  have  not  unfre- 
quently  displayed  pride,  indiscretion,  and  malevo- 
lence, in  contending  for  their  unquestionable  rights ; 
and  have  thereby  given  a  character  of  inexpediency 
and  criminality  to  a  contest  which  might  have  been 
conducted   by  better  men  upon  moral  principles. 
Nor  is  (he  fact  to  be  concealed,  that  the  virtuous 
part  of  a  community  are  justified  in  the  sight  of  God 
and  their  country,  in  keeping  aloof  from  a  contest, 
however  good  the  cause,  if  moral  evil  be  made  es- 
sential to  the  mode  of  carrying  it  on.    We  must  not 
do  evil  that  good  may  come  of  it.     If  the  terms, 
upon  which  admission  into  the  army,  like  the  British 


THIS   PRESENT  WAR. 


1^ 


mcramental  test*  be  absolutely  sinful,  it  becomes 
a  duty,  even  when  the  cause  of  war  is  just,  to  reject 
the  terms,  and  of  course  to  withhold  a  support  which 
cannot  otherwiso  be  afforded. 

It  is  evidently,   therefore,    both  the    duty   and 
the  mterest  of  those  who  are  placed  at  the  head  of  a 
nation,  to  take  order,  that  the  wars,  which,  bv  the  in- 
justice of  others,  they  are  compelled  to  wao-e,  be 
prosecuted  upon  equitable  principles.     If  it  should 
be  the  lot  of  a  conscientious  man  to  live  in  a  bellige- 
rent state,  which  wages  a  war.  Just  in  its  causes,  but 
imqmtous  in  the  mode  by  which  it  is  conducted,   he 
has  only,  when  the  evil  is  beyond  his  remedy,  to 
withhold  his  personal  agency,  and  to  pray  that  the 
cause  may,  notwithstanding  the  sins, of  men,  be  pros- 
pered by  the  Lord.     No  iniquity  of  the  instrument 
can  justify  the  dereliction  of  a  good  cause.     Those, 
of  course,  cannot  be  esteemed  as  virtuous  members 
of  any  community,  who,  under  th3  plea  of  improvi- 
dence, of  weakness  or  mismanagement,  upon  the  part 
of  rulers,  not  only  strive  to  prevent  the  success  of  a 
lawful  war,  but  also  with  design  to  increase  the  na- 
tional embarrassment,  deny  the  justness  of  the  con- 
test.   With  this  distinction,  obvious  to  every  man,  1 
shield  from  the  charge  of  insincerity  those  conscien- 
tious men  who  may  disapprove  of  the  present  ad- 
ministration, and  the  conduct  of  the  war,  while  I 
make  no  apology  for  him,  who,  devoid  of  patriotism 
and  virtue,  calls  in  question  the  legitimacy  of  the 
1  *  See  page  71. 


184 


'iHE   CAUSES    01 


contest  as  it  now  exists,  and  recommends  subnicsslon 
to  the  enemy~I  make  no  apology  for  him,  who 
strives  to  prevent  the  snccess  of  his  country  in  tlie 
present  strife.  I  leave  him  to  the  comforts  of  his 
own  reflections,  knowing,  as  1  do,  that  whatever  may 
be  his  motives,  they  cannot  command  the  approba- 
tion of  his  country,  of  his  cotemporaries  in  other 
lands,  of  posterity,  of  his  conscience,  or  of  his  God. 
With  him,  therefore,  I  do  not  stoop  to  argue  the 
question.  To  others  I  say,  let  us  examine,  upon 
moral  principles,  the  mode  of  prosecuting  the  pre- 
sent war. 


I  am  not  the  eulogist  of  men  in  power;  neither 
do  Igivejlatkring  tiiles  to  man:  I  love  the  country 
of  my  choice,  and  I  pray  to  God  for  the  prosperity 
and  success  of  its  arms.    I  lament  whatever  of  inde- 
cision, and  Imbecility,  and  improvidence,  and  mis- 
management has  appeared  in  the  hall^  of  legislation, 
in  the  executive  councils,  in  the  leaders  of  our  ar- 
mies.    I  could  fervently  wish,  and  devoutly  pray, 
for  more  firmness,  and  wisdom,  and  action,  and  for 
more  extensive  resources   in  men  and  in  money 
for  the  safety  of  the  nation.    But  I  would  not  dis- 
pute, and  embarrass,  and  threaten,  for  the  purpose 
of  producing  an  effect,  for  which  I  should  afterwards 
blame  those  who  were  irresolute  enough  to  listen  to 
my  opposition.    I  would  not  strive  to  bring  about 
an  evil  for  the  sake  of  condemning  it,  and  iryuring 
the  country.    I  would  not  tempt  to  sin,  for  the  sake 
of  triumphing  over  the  fallen. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


185 


I  submit  to  you-  consideration  ll,e  three  follow- 
ing principles;  heHigerent  communilks  are  alnmm 
lo  be  considered,  each  as  o«e  iorfy-,„  „ar,  ike  m- 

I  shall  now  explain  these  principles,  and  apply 
them  to  the  mode  in  which  this  war  11  conducted 

1.  /«  a  state  of  War,  we  m^t  eonsider  each  Com- 
munity as  one  Body.  ' 

However  extensive  an  empire,  however  nume- 
ious  Us  colonies  and  dependenci. .,  organized  into 
one  society,  and  subject  to  the  same  ovefel  powi 
when  that  sovereign  has  undertaken  war.    he 'whole 
empire  .s  called  upor  to  bear  a  part  in   ts  preset 

p..c.ofattackisa;u:str^;,:;;,ry'io::: 

g  ble.      The  skill  of  the  General  in  battle  is  di. 


"  .^Ve  pages  12G,  and  U^. 
24 


ICG 


TKE   PRINCIPLES   OfON    WHICH 


niinous  or  immoral.  Tlie  sole  object  of  a  just  war  16 
to  make  the  enemy  feel  the  evils  of  his  own  injus- 
tice, and  by  his  sufTerings  dispose  him  to  amend  his 
ways.  He  must  therefore  be  attacked  upon  tlie  most 
accessible  quarter. 

1  have  already  established  the  justness  of  the  pre- 
sent war.  Taking  that  for  granted,  1  now  inquire 
into  the  best  manner  of  giving  it  effect.  The  cir- 
cumstances of  the  case  leave  no  manner  of  doubt 
upon  this  subject.  Great  Britain,  separated  from  us 
by  the  wide  Atlantic,  exposes  no  point,  upon  which 
the  United  States  can  reacli  her,  except  her  colonies 
and  her  shipping.  The  Canadas  and  her  commerce 
present  the  proper  objects  of  attack.  On  both  these 
points  she  feels ;  and  you  may  judge  of  her  feelings 
from  the  fact,  that  those  who  feel  with  her,  and  for 
her,  among  ourselves,  feel  most  upon  these  very  sub- 
jects. Her  fleets  and  her  armies,  those  instruments 
of  annoyance  to  others,  are  of  no  use  but  the  pro- 
tection of  her  colonies  and  comnieice.  By  attack- 
ing and  conquering  them,  the  citizens  of  America 
may  acquire,  and  have  acquired,  renown ;  but  it  is  by 
capturing  that  wliich  they  project,  and  for  which 
alone  they  are  supported,  that  th^.  enemy  can  be 
brought  to  feel,  to  reason,  and  do  justice. 


Upper  Canada,  particularly,  presented  to  the 
United  States  the  most  eligible  theatre  for  the  con- 
test. It  was  the  most  accessible  part  of  the  enemy's; 
territory, — the  possession  of  it  would  prove  ihe  de- 
fense of  an  extended  frontier  from  the  ravages  of  the 


IHE   WAR   IS   COADUCTED. 


187 


foe,  and  lioiii  Indian  l)ail)arity— and  it  nijahl  bo  licdd 
as  an  equivalent  until,  for  the  sake  of  its  restoration, 
the   enemy   would    be   constrained   to    do   juf4ice. 
These  considerations  put  the  policy  of  attacking  it 
beyond  a  doubt.     And  the  equity  oi  it  necessa^ilv 
follows  from  the  justness  of  the  war  itself.     Do  you 
doubt  this .'  Sliow  me  wherefore,  and  I  will  answer 
you.     Set  your  arguments  in  array,  and  my  reply  is 
at  hand.     « The  inhabitants  of  Canada  have   com- 
mitted no  offence."    Is  this  your  argument?  Who 
then  has  offended?   The  Soldier,  the  Sailor?  No. 
The  Minister,  the  Regent?   Will  you  then  despatch 
a  messenger  of  private  vengeance  to  assassinate  the 
offending  sovereign,  rather  than  attack  his  dominions, 
and  his   colonies,  and  his  troops,  and  his  ships  of 
war  ?  But  you  are  mistaken.     The  Canadians  have 
offended.     They  have  made  a  common  cause  with 
their   sovereign.     In   him  who  represents  them  they 
have  offended.    Let  them  peacefully  distinguish  them- 
selves from  him,  and  remain  as  non-combatants  in  the 
possession  and  use  (»f  their  property— and  these  in- 
nocents shall  then  be  unmolested.   *It  is  not  against 
the  unoffending  Canadians,  it  is  against  the  king's 
troops,  and  the  king's  fleet,  and  against  the  king's 
territories,  that  the  United  States  wage  this  war  on 
the  waters  and  the  shores  of  Erie,  Champlain,  and 
Ontario.     And  you,  too,  I  suspect,  from  the  nature 
of  your  remark,  do  not  so  much  dispute  the  legiti- 
macy of  this  part  of  the  war,  as  you  dislike  the  whole 
cause.     Sympathy  with  the  Canadians  has  frequently 
been   affected   as  a  benevolent  method   of  aiming 


:J. 


i 


1 88 


'I  HE  pKiivcii'Lfcis  i;i'Oi\  wmni 


d  si(Je-l)Iuw  at  llie  administralioii  of  the  government 
'J'liis  may  be  considered  as  good  policy;  hut  it  par- 
takes not  of  tlic  candour  of  religion.  The  British 
empire,  like  the  human  hody,  has  many  members,  and 
alJ  the  members  being  many,  are  one  body.  Jn  a  state 
of  nar,  an  attack  upon  any  member  is  lawful.  In  a 
Mioral  j)oint  of  view,  it  makes  no  difference  whether 
Oie  blow  falls  upon  the  capitol  or  the  colony.  The 
wlnde  nati«)n  is  one  body. 

2.   The  Nalion  only  is  the  proper  Object  of  War. 

Humanity  prescribes  laws  for  belligerent  commu- 
nities.   The  evils  of  war  are  necessarily  great ;  and 
they  ought  not  to  be  unnecessarily  increased.     Pri- 
vate persons  and  projierty,  whose  injury  cannot  af- 
fect tlie   controversy,    should   remain   unmolested. 
The  monuments  of  the  fine  arts  are  respected  by 
civilized  nations;  and  none  but  barbarians  will  de- 
signedly destroy  elegant  edifices  or  libraries.     The 
plunder  of  hamlets  and  villages,  the  conflagration  of 
private  dwellings  and  barns,  can  have  no  otlier  eflect 
than    multiplying   private    misery,    and   producing 
higher  degrees  of  exasperation :  for  the  rule  of  hu- 
manity, in  a  necessary  war,  is  to  inflict  no  injury  ex- 
cept what  will  affect  the  nation  as  a  body  politic, 
and  thus  subserve  the  proper  end  of  warfare. 

3.  Several  changes  favourable  to  humanity,  on 
the  mode  of  conducting  war,  have  already  ob- 
tained ;  and  such  ought  to  be  extended. 


THE   IVAH   IS   CONDUCTED. 


10» 


It  IS  highly  honourable  to  the  government  of  thi. 
^public,  that  a  proffer  has  been  made  to  th,  enemy 
of  an«r«,mee.  ever  since  the  commencement  of 
hostilities,    upon  condition  that  he  sliould  desist 
by  sea  and  by  .and  from  the  practices  ,vhich  caXd 
fo.  an  appeal  to  the  sword;  and  that  a  proposal 
has  been  made,  upon  terms  of  reciprocity,  fo^r  reZ 
.ng  10  injured  individuals  the  losses  which  iniS 
them  be  incurred  during  the  continuance  of  the  cj 
test.     It  n  equally  dishonourable,  on  the  part  of  the 
foe,  to  refuse  acceding  to  such  proposals.     On  him 
of  course  descends  the  guilt  of  every  injury. 

According  to  modern  usage  in  christian  nations 
unauthorized  individuals  are  not  permitted  withl™' 
punity  to  fall  upon  an  enemy.    Secret  means  of  an- 

caTdlT  -n      "'  ""'""Z"'  «'«''^'''"»«on.  are  d,V 
caided.     I  he  persons  of  those  who  do   not  carry 

arms    and  even  of  retainers  to  an  army,  are  in  safe- 
ty   Prisoners  are  not  enslaved,  but  treated  with  re- 
spect.   Officers  are  dismissed  on  their  parole     Pre 
datory  excursions,  and  pillage  of  every  kind,  are  dis- 
countenanced;  and  the  horrors  of  war  accordingly 
mitigated.*    This  reform  has  been  effected  princi^ 
pally  through  the  influence  of  the  christian  religion- 
a  religion    distinguished  by  its  harmony  with  the 
most  correct  principles  of  national  law.     It  ou^ht  to 
be  extended  in  its  benign  influence  to  other  prac- 
tices, still  admitted  by  the  law  of  nations;  but  highly 


I 


m) 


THK    nniNrU'LKH    WON    WM[MI 


injurious  to  nioralil y.     Tt  ou^Iii  to  bo  exttiulcMl  (o 
lilt'  pnu'ticr  of  pi-ivat<'i;riii^,  and  to  that  which  givcH 
(ui^ijin  lo  privalcM'iini^ ;  Ihn  practice  ofcapturin^/^ri- 
lafv  projurli/  of  any  kind  upon  tho  ottran,  hy  piihlic 
armed  vessels,  whrther  in  \ny,\vv.  or  in  war.     'I'lu'ie 
arc  many  cojicnt  leasjons  for  opposiujLf  the  pracHre 
of  takilii;  privat«.^   pro[HMiy  on  thf;  hi<i;h  seas.     It  is 
contrary  to  the  ^"olden  rule,  "  do  unto  others  as  you 
would  that  they  should  do  unto  you,"     It  is  robhing 
men  of  the  fruits  of  their  industry ;  for  it  allows 
them  no  e(|uivalent  for  their  property.     It  cherishes 
avarice,   already  sullicirntly  stiiuulal<'d  by  commer- 
cial cupidity.     It  entirely  destroys  unich  property, 
without    advantai;e  to  any  one.     It  endangers  and 
sacrilices  many  valual)le  lives.     It  retards  the  pro- 
gress of  civilization.     It   increases  the  burden   and 
expenditme  of  nations,  by  givini^  occasioii  for  tieets 
of  armed  vessels,  for  defence  and  pilla<i,e.     It  is  in 
the   present    condition  of  the   world,  thc^  principal 
source  of  dispute  and  strife,  of  national  quarrels,  and 
of  pul)lic   wars.     Therefore  is   it   devoutly   to  bo 
wished,  that  pious  men,  in  every  country,  should, 
with  one  consent,  aet  their  faces  asjainst  so  great  an 
evil ;  and  support,  with  every  exertion  in  their  pow- 
er, those  able  civilians  among  the  nations,  who  are 
endeavouring,  on  this  very  head,  to  meliorate  the 
code  of  public  law.*     The  only  ground  upon  which 


*  There  is  some  reason  to  hope,  that  the  time  is  jipprofiehin;:, 
when  the  principle  for  which  1  contend,  will  be  in  fact  adniilteil  iis 
apart  of  the  law  of  nations:  not  simply  as  it  rfiS[)VQ{i privateers ; 
but  also  as  it  respects  public  armed  vcsaeh. 


THK   WAR    IS  iONDIJCTFD. 


191 


I  Mist.fy  ilmcuuuUy  in  pursuing  Ihis  praclicP,  hiU^i 
ol  vis.tn.g  upon  the  r.ncMn>.  ih.  evil  which  hi.s  injus- 
*K.^  ...n.tH.  Thalgn.und  is  .suai<  ienl.  J t  is  the 
gn.uiHl   upon    u'hich   rcHts  (he    equity   of  the    war 

"roHo,  .„..rclK.nt..u.„  Uy  national  ...i,.  of  .a/    n  i    U,         . 

nouB  .nVc„  n.o«t  ,.vH  ..  U..  .apanHe^  of  orClnary.    „       3" 
c    culaUMl   o  cxciN:  U.e  aversion  of  c..ri.,ian  ..u.mUy,  ,„o  t  pe 
mcouB   o  the  g.n<.rnl  nu,rality  ol  the  conununity,  hy  .  ulli  ly  „' 
l^e  nmnhor  of  adventurers,  who  «eek  an.l  «hare  the  '^uZ.       1 
oflenchng  rellovv-n.en :  hut  the  evil,  the  radical  evll/l  7  •     L  L 
vasion  of  private  n^rJu  at  all  ^'  '"' 

To  the  total  ahoiilion  of  this  practice,  I  ace  in  (ho  state  of  ih. 
natiou«  no  fcnnidal,le  harrier,  except  uhat  is  presents iTthl 
.cy  of  Great  Britain.     ,t  is  her  na.'y  that  playsTr    il  L   I': 
unes  of  peace  arul  ,v„r.     ,t  is  rea.onahle,  however,  t      Ct 
<  at  ,!ur.nK  (he  present  repose  of  the  nations,  they  will  isk  Ine'n 
o    or  the  nnestion,  How  long  shall  England  he  pern.i.e  ,  tfen  oy 
UHM.xclus.veco,nn,erce  and  dominion  of  the  ocean/  Shall    t  he 
0  ever  I  It  .s  reasonahle  to  expect  they  will  devise  means    „o^ 
cert,  for  asserting  the  fnetlom  of  the  .seas. 

I  know  that  this  is  necessary  to  puhlic .justice.     I  know  it  is  ne 
cessary  to   a   permanent  peace  in  (he  worhl.     I  know   i     ' 
noised  in  the  word  of  «o...     ,  know  it  will  he  hrought  tl  "7„ 

<ksp.teof  the  example,  and  the  influence  of  GreafBr  ta  „    ,'  r^ 
throu,|...t   Europe   and   America,   an  increasin      "  I     "'to    h 
practice  ot  private  plunder  on  the  ocean. 

Christian  sensibility,  in  this  city,  and  throughout  the  country 
.«  averse  from  privateering.  Some  American  civil  anstjd 
among  others,  Mr.  Chancellor  Kent  of  this  state    I  ? 

While  Chief  .Instice,  ahly  vindicated  the  1^!:^^^:;::^ 
commonwealth,  in   attuming  the  decision  that  A/«.s,C«^«i  . 
the  Savrour  rs  a  crunc,)   have  protested  against  prlvatee^lnf 

Bay,  that  wh.le  rondemn.ng  it  here,  they  justify  it  on  the  par  of 


•  t 


192 


THE   PRINCIPLES   ITPdN   WHICH 


it8clf.  War  under  the  best  form  is  an  evil — a  neces- 
sary evil.  Non  enim  est  ulla  defensio  contra  vim  un- 
quam  obtanday  sed  n'mnunquam est  nccessaiia.* 


llie  enemy;  that,  while  cinnlemnhiR  the  prncticp  of  piivatecrinK, 
they  approve  of  the  principle  of  plunder  by  public  arnutl  veBBeU; 
that,  while  comleiiining  the  invasion  of  privnte  right,  m  a  weapon 
of  war,  they  allow  the  morality  of  it  in  times  of  peaci;.     I  rather 
class  ;hem  with  those  writers  on  public  law,  who,  while  they  ad- 
mit that  it  IB  among  the  usages  of  nations,  desire  to  have  the  code 
of  national   law  altered  and  amended.     I  rather  clasB  them  with 
those  distinguished  civilians  of  France,  who  adorned  the  reign  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon,  by  raising  up  that  Imperishable  monument 
of  'egal  talent,  the  Civil  Code,  still  the  law  of  the  nation  whose 
throne  he  has  abdicated.     I  had  rather  class  them  with  the  framers 
of  the  Tre-Ui/  of  TUsit,  that  remarkable  instrument,  which,  a     »e 
learn  from  the  note  of  the  Duke  of  Ba.ssano,  Paris,  April  25, 1812, 
to  the  Chancellor  of  Russia,  asserts  the  same  principle.     In  that 
note  are  the  following  very  liberal  and  correct  assertions.    "  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  has  acknowledged  at  Tilsit,  the 
principle — that  ihe  nalionsy  in  the  full  enjoifineut  of  their  rights,  might 
give  themselves  up  freely  to  the  exercise  of  their  industry— that  the  in- 
dependence of  their  flag  should  be  inviolable,  and  its  protection  a  reci- 
pracal  duty  of  tlu  one  towards  the  other." 

AzuNi,  on  Maritime  Law,  adduces  facts  to  show,  that  the  na- 
tions in  general,  are  approaching  a  state,  in  which  the  convention- 
al code  of  public  law  will  provide.  That  "  in  future  no  merchant- 
vessel  shall  be  stopped  or  seised,  unless  laden  with  articles  really  con- 
traband:" and  Martens  gives  to  our  own  country,  the  credit  of 
being  first  in  this  work  of  reform.  "  In  the  Treaty  of  Commerce 
between  the  king  of  Prussia  and  the  United  States  of  America, 
1785,  Art.  23,  the  first  example  has  been  given  of  a  convention, 
in  virtue  of  which,  all  tnerchatU  and  trading  vessels  employed  in  the 
exchange  of  the  productions  of  different  places,  shall  pass  freely,  and 
without  molestation.'* 

*  Cicero. 


t'HE   PRESiCNT   WAR. 


10  J 


fvil — a  neces' 
antra  vim  un- 
aria.* 

'  of  piivatfcrlnK, 
:  arnu-d  veBRela; 
;ht,  m  a  weapon 
|)eac<;.  I  rntlier 
»,  while  they  ad- 
to  have  the  code 
class  them  with 
ned  the  reign  of 
hable  monument 
16  nation  whose 
with  the  framers 
It,  which,  a  *e 
April  25,1812, 
nciple.  In  that 
Bertions.  "  His 
ed  at  Tilsit,  the 
eir  rights,  might 
itry—lhat  the  in- 
protection  a  recir 

w,  that  the  na- 
the  convention' 
ire  no  nurchant- 
ticks  really  con- 
y,  the  credit  of 
y  of  Commerce 
es  of  America, 
f  a  convention, 
employed  in  the 
pass  freely,  and 


CONCLITSION. 

ma^  or  „.y  ,.en.on.,  for  u,«i„R  upon  „||  ..,,,,«,,  , 

co..l.al   support  of  the   <lef..„.ive  measure.,,  wl,  ch 

nay  l.e  „,„,„//y  and  co,,s,U.ai„na/lj,  emploje.l,  by 

U.^    who.  .„.,ivi„e  p.ovldo„.:e,  have  <L  u..;J 

■nent  of  the   wa.  com.riitte.l  i„t„    ,heir   I.  ,n,ls     If 

any  means  proposed,  should  appear  <o  («.  un<„nJ(itu. 

wlnoh  binds  hese  states  together  u,  one  great  repub- 
lican confederation,  expose  their  iueonsisteney  by 
liberal  o.g„n,..„,s ;  but  let  tf,e.n  still  support  their 
country  .n  the  contest.     If  any  of  these'. neasure 
should  be  ,„„„oral.  let  Chris'-ans  avoid  louchhg,  last- 
rr>g<  or  handlhg  l/,e  umkanlhing ;  but  let  them  stiil 
love  their  co.u.lry ;  and  in  every  thing  consistent  with 
a  good  conscience  sanctified  by  the  Lord,  promote 
the  cause  m  which  the  nation  is  embarked  against  a 
powerlul  and  unjust  enemy. 

If  negotiation   should   fail   to   secure   a   speedy 
peace,  the  dangers  of  the  country  call  for  unanhnity 
m  the  strife  of  blood  and  battle.     I„  that  case,  suiv 
pctuig  the  war  will  be  the  means  of  preservin.r  Ih, 
umon  of  Ihe  slates:  and  this  is  unquestionably  ,le- 
suable.     Whatever   mistaken   individuals  may  say 
of  the  collision  of  interests,  and  the  rivalry  existino- 
between  the  north  and  the  south,  the  east  and  the 
west;  every  slate,  every  part  of  this  extensive  «m- 

2fi 


194 


CONCLUSION. 


pile,  has  a  deep  interest  in  perpetuating  the  federal 
connexion.  It  is  the  means  of  preventing  those  col- 
lisions and  jealousies  from  coining  to  an  open  rup- 
tyie — it  is  the  means  of  internal  peace  and  friend- 
ship— it  is  the  means  of  promoting  their  commerce, 
their  manufactures,  and  tlieir  agriculture — it  is  the 
means  of  cultivating,  by  suitable  encouragement,  the 
sciences  and  the  liberal  arts — it  is  the  means  of  pre- 
serving unimpaired  the  liberties  of  the  people,  and 
guaranteeing  the  forms  of  their  democratic  policy — 
it  is  the  means  of  defence  against  foreign  enemies, 
waiting  to  divide,  and  anxious  to  destroy — it  is  the 
means  of  securing  religious  liberty,  together  with 
the  purity,  the  peace,  and  the  growth  of  our 
ctiurches.  The  several  religious  denominations,  al- 
ready weakened  by  dissention,  would  become  still 
more  weak,  if  the  parts  of  each  ecclesiastical  body 
situated  in  the  different  states,  were  cut  asunder  by 
political  distinctions,  which  must  turn  brother  against 
brother.  Such  a  state  of  things  would  prevent  all 
liberal  intercourse  among  Christians,  scattered  over 
this  land  from  north  to  south ;  and  if,  by  renewing 
in  America  the  local  favouritism  and  the  political 
priestcraft  of  the  old  world,  some  particular  clergy- 
men might  rise  to  a  higher  eminence,  true  religion 
would  suffer  by  the  change ;  and  the  more  ingenu- 
ous and  humble  men,  v/ould  become  more  limited  in 
their  influence  and  usefulness. 


1  would  urge  the  support  of  the  war,  because  1 
earnestly  long  for  a  permanent  peace.  You  know 
the  enemy.    His  claimhi  will  rise,  by  his  successes , 


CONCLUSIOiV. 


19.0 


;  the  federal 
ig  those  col- 
li open  rup- 
!  and  friend- 
r  commerce, 
ire — it  is  the 
jgement,  the 
eans  of  pre- 
people,  and 
itic  policy — 
ign  enemies, 
oy — it  is  the 
)gether  with 
wth  of  our 
linations,  al- 
become  still 
astical  body 
t  asunder  by 
Dther  against 
I  prevent  all 
altered  over 
by  renewing 
the  political 
Lular  clergy- 
rue  religion 
lore  ingenu- 
ire  limited  in 


r,  because  1 

You  know 

is  successes; 


and  fall,  in  proportion  to  his  defeats.  The  more  he 
suffers,  the  more  will  he  be  disposed  to  relinquish 
the  contest.  The  greater  his  danger,  the  sooner  will 
he  come  to  an  accommodation.  By  consistency  and 
unanimity,  America  might  have  finished  this  war  as- 
soon  as  it  had  commenced.  It  is  only  by  affecting 
the  fears  of  xhe  foe,  that  he  can  be  made  to  listen  to 
the  voice  of  equity. 

I  would  recommend  the  support  of  this  war,  be- 
cause it  is  just.     The  United  States  ask  for  nothing, 
but  what  they  ought  to  have;  what  it  is  lawful  for 
the   enemy   to  give;    what   is   in   its   very   nature 
nioral-Jhe   protection   of  property,   and   personal 
liherty.  \  pray  for  success  to  these  righteous  claims  • 
1  pray  for  courage  to  the  warrior,  and  for  success  to 
the  armaments  by  which  the  plea  is  urged,  because 
the  cause  is  just— because  it  is  necessary  to  the  re- 
pose of  the  world— because  God  has  promised  that 
this  cause  shall  universally  prevail. 

In  oflfering  these  prayers,   1  know  that  they  are  in 
unison  with  the  prayers  of  my  brethren,  even  in  the 
country  with  which  this  nation  is  at  war— with  the 
prayers  of  all  Chi  istians,  who  say,  from  the  heart, 
« thy  kingdom  comer     I  speak  not  of  forms,  dictated 
by  courts,  and  used  by  the  priests,   whom  the  kings 
of  the  earth   keep  in  pay  to  overawe  their  subjecrs. 
I  speak  of  prayers,  dictated  by  the  Spirit  of  ourLord 
Jesus  Christ.     To  such  prayers,  my  petitions,  for  the 
ultimate  success  of  the  American  claims,  are  in  unison. 
Should  you  travel  among  the  nations,  and  take  the 


II  f 


f 


196 


CONCLUSION. 


suffrages  of  the  saints  every  where  on  earth,  you 
would  not  find  one  single-hearted  Christian,  who 
would  refuse  his  assent  to  these  principles — ike 
sen  should  be  free  to  all  honest  enterprise — personal 
liberty  should  be  secured — and  everi^  man  should  be 
permitted  to  pursue  his  lanful  industry,  where,  never  he 
chooses  to  take  up  his  abode.  These  are  the  princi- 
ples for  which  this  nation  contends  by  the  sword; 
and  therefoie  do  I  pray  to  the  Almighty  God,  for 
their  full  success.— Amen. 


«»arfh,  you 
isiinn,  who 
riciples — the 
re — personal 
n  should  he 
lere.  never  he 
the  princi- 
the  sword; 
y  God,  for 


THE   ENDS   FOR   w„,eH   GOD   m  „„   PHOVmPKCB 
PERMIT*    THE    EXISTEKCE    OP    THIS    WAH. 


— — ^WW- 


SEHMOIV  V. 

Come,  and  let  us  declare  in  Zion  the  work  of  the  Lord 
our  God.    Jer.  li.  lo. 

ThEV,  whose  lot  it  is  to  live  in  the  midst  of  rero- 
lulions  and  wars,  are  constrained  to  be  the  witnesses 
of  n.„ch  misery  and  sorrow.     Where  ignorance  and 
tyranny  prevail,  the  humane  have  only  to  mourn  in 
sJence  over  their  calamities,  without  even  the  small 
consolation  of  proclaiming  to  the  world,  the  evils 
which  they  see  or  endure.     Wheresoever,  however, 
liberty  secures  the  right  of  expressing  one's  thoughts 
and  especially  where  true  religion  begets  a  becom- 
ing magnanimity,  men  will  always  be  found  to  re- 
late the  tale  of  wo,  and  to  declare  their  opinions  of 
the  causes  and  consequences  of  present  sufTeiino-s      I. 
IS,  moreover,  to   be  expected,  that  in   such  "cases 
some  diversity  of  sentiment  will  obtain  among  the 
most  unbiassed  and  virtuous.    The  complexness  of 


li 


J9R 


GOD  S   PROVIDENCE    IN 


ii'  1 


public  afTairs — <lic  imperfection  of  knowledge — the 
peevishness  and  llu;  passions  of  the  heart,  give  us  rea- 
son to  believe,  had  we  not  the  lights  of  history  to 
assuie  us  of  the  fact,  tliat,  witiiout  any  uncommon 
degrees  of  depravity,  men  will  dispute  about  the 
several  interesting  concerns  of  social  life. 

The  sad  experience  of  the  churches,  and  particu- 
larly of  the  Hcformedy  pro(;laims  the  danger  to  their 
sons,  which  arises  from  the  tumults  and  the  changes 
of  political  empire.  During  the  concussion  of  na- 
tions, many  professors  of  religion  lose  their  reason 
and  their  faith :  and  it  requires  living  principle  in 
coiHirxion  with  the  rock  of  ageSy  to  prevent  being 
tossed  ort;  and  buried  in  the  earthquake.  Therefore 
do  we  invite  chiistians,  during  the  present  struggle 
of  the  nations,  to  come  and  declare  in  Zion  the  work 
of  the  Lord  our  God. 


The  invitation  was  originally  given  by  the  pro- 
phet .Tereiniah,  in  view  oi  judgments  destined  to 
overthrow  the  ('haldean  government.  It  was  to  the 
wars  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  he  gave  the  name 
of  the  rvork  of  the  Lord,  which  deserves  to  be  declar' 
id  in  ZioUy  the  chuich  of  Jeeus  Christ.  The  narra- 
tive of  this  case,  affords  an  instructive  lesson.  It  k 
found  in  chap.  .OO,  k  51.  Jeremiah,  who  makes  the 
declaration,  deserves  to  be  held  up  to  view  as  a  mo- 
del for  christian  ambassadors,  in  midst  of  scenes  of 
war.  He  was  descended  from  the  house  of  Aaron, 
and  of  course  a  priest,  as  well  as  a  prophet.  By 
early  piety,  a  remarkable  discernment  of  the  signF 


THK  HIESENT  WAK. 


199 


ot  he  Uy.  an  afFocUng  temlerness,  and  by  an  „n- 
yielc  .ng  finnness  and  integrity,  he  wa,  quaWied  for 
e  dut.es  of  an  arduous  u.i„iH,ry ;  and,  although  he 
longed  for  a  release  from  his  labours,  and  his  very 
body,  insomuch  as  to  curse  the  day  of  his  birth  l,e 
was  continued,  for  the  instruction' f  the  ch:i  to 
old  age   upon  earth.     His  faithfulness  provoked  the 

abo ured  to  instruct  and  to  save,  as  he  woul.l  not  tlat- 
ter  he  had  few,  if  any  f„V„ds.  They  forced  him  ^e- 
lu<tan   y  to  numster  to  them  i„  Egypt  after  the  fall 

their  „?■'," '-       ,'  "7"  ""^'■'^'  '■"^•«'"'  "f  -»^""i"g 
her  prejudices,  he  freely  proclaiu.ed  unwelcomf 

t  "Ihs  Perscuted  by  men,  his  only  consolation  wa! 
torn  heaven :  and  his  happiness  on  earth  consisted  in 
domg  h.s  ,lu,y.  We  do  not  know  which  to  adnnre 
most,  l„s  magnanunity,  or  dlsi,.terestedness:  for 
y.\>L'r,A,buzaraddan.  the  Counnander  in  Chief  of  the 
Chaldean  armament,  olTered  him  an  establishment  in 
«abyl„„,  |,e  ppefe^d  continuing  with  his  afflicted 
brellneu,  who  bad  never  treated  him  with  the  kind- 
ness or  esteem  due  to  hia  worth. 

This  weeping  prophet  sympathized  in  the  snflci- 
ings  of  a  people,  injured  and  invaded  bv  the  foe 
Many  of  them  were  already  in  captivity.'  He  be- 
held the  noble  edifices  of  the  capital  smoking  in 
ruins.  He  dropped  a  tear  over  (he  fallen  kIoiv  • 
and  turning  his  eyes  to  (he  east,  over  the  mighty  wa- 
ters of  Eu|,hiates,  to  Babylon,  (he  enemy  of  bi« 
country,  now  in  the  full  tide  of  successful  war,  he 


I 


200 


god's  providence  in 


exclaimed,  O  thou  that  dwellest  upon  many  waters, 
abundant  in  treasures,  thine  end  is  come,  and  the  mea- 
sure of  thy  covetousness*  Jeremiah  committed  to 
writing  the  predicted  judgments,  and  sent  them  by 
the  hands  of  Seraiah  to  Babylon,  with  orders,  that 
when  he  read  them  to  the  captive  Israelites,  they 
should  be  fastened  to  a  stone,  and  thrown  into  the 
Euphrates,  as  a  symbol  of  the  .demolition  of  Chal- 
dean greatness.  While  predicting  these  judgments 
of  war  from  the  Lord,  destined  to  overthrow  that 
mighty  empire,  he  invited  the  saints,  in  the  words  of 
my  text,  «  Come,  let  us  declare  in  Zion  the  work  of 
the  Lord  our  God." 


War  iSf  in  a  certain  sense,  the  work  of  the  Lord^ 
As  sueh  it  ought  to  be  understood  and  declared  bi/  a  re- 
ligious people. 

Both  these  assertions  T  shall  endeavour  to  confirm 
and  apply,  and  shall  then  conclude  this  subject. 

I.  All  wars  are,  in  a  certain  sense,  the  work  of  the 
Lord  our  God. 

It  is  not,  in  its  own  nature,  pleasing  to  the  Deity, 
to  contemplate  either  the  evil  passions  or  the  suffer- 
ings of  men.  God  is  not  to  be  viewed  in  the  light  of 
an  arbitrary  and  capricious  tyrant,  that  sports  with 
the  miseries  of  liis  creatures.    He  is  of  purer  eyes 

*  Jer.  li.  13. 


THE   PRESENT   WAR. 


:20l 


iny  waters, 
nd  the  mea- 
ninitted  to 
it  tliem  by 
:)rders,  that 
elites,  they 
,vn  into  the 
>n  of  Chal- 
judginents 
rthrow  that 
le  words  of 
the  work  of 


the  Lord — 
redbif  a  re- 

to  confirm 
Libject. 

work  of  tilt 


I  the  Deity, 
•  the  suffer- 
the  light  of 
sports  with 
^  purer  ej/es 


than  to  behold  evil,  and  cannot  look  on  iniquity.*  Ne- 
vertheless,  he  not  only  admits,  but,  in  some  instan- 
ces, requires  war:  and  on  account  of  its  cfT'ccts,  he 
brings  it  to  pass,  as  under  existing  circumstances,  sail- 
ed to  the  nature  of  his  government  over  such  ciea- 
tures  as  the  sinf.il  children  of  men.  Shall  not  the  Judge 
of  aU  the  earth  do  right ?\  Shall  there  be  evil  in  a 
city,  and  the  Lord  hath  not  done  it  ?X 

The  Providence  of  God  extends  to  every  event- 
war  is  particularly  specilied—and  the  wars  of  this 
age  of  the  world,  are  pointed  out  in  the  prophetic 
history. 

1.  The  Providence  of  God  extends  to  every  Emit 
which  comes  to  pass. 

Provision  was  made,  in  the  counsel  of  his  own  will, 
before  any  part  of  creation  was  called  into  existence, 
for  all  that  the  Lord  doeth  with  his  creatures  in  time 
or  througli  eternity.  A  man  of  understanding  pur- 
poseth  beforf;iiand  what  he  shall  do :  it  argues  imper- 
fection of  intellect  or  of  power,  or  else  mutation  of 
disposition,  to  act  contrary  to  previous  resolution : 
omniscience,  omnipotence,  and  immutability  assure 
us,  that  God  worketh  all  things  after  the  counsel  of  his 
own  will;^  and  as  he  willed  what  he  shall  himself  per- 
form, his  agency  extends  over  matter  and  mind 
to  every  event,   from  the  colouring  of  a  filament 


Hab.  i.  13. 


f  Gen.  xviii.  25. 

6  Eph.  i.  11. 

26 


t  Amos  iji.  H. 


I 


liir  „ 


202 


OOD's   I'ROVIDENCE   llV 


li 


■i 


of  hair,  to  the  overturning  of  a  world.     The  ver^ 
hairs  of  your  head  are  all  numbered.* 

2.  War  is  parlieularlf/  specified  in  several  parts  of 
the  sacred  volume,  as  a  work  of  Clod's  Providence 
over  human  ati'airs.  "Wherefore  il  is  said  in  the 
hook  of  the  wars  of  the  Lord  what  he  did  in  the  Red 
Sea,  and  in  the  brooks  of  Arnon:  and  at  the  stream 
of  the  brook  that  goeth  down  to  the  dwelling  of  Ar, 
and  lieth  on  the  border  of  ]Moab."t 

I  shall  illustrate  this  doctrine  by  a  passage  from 
fcacred  history,  which  is  very  applicable  to  the  seve- 
ral inquiries,  which  piety  would  suggest  upon  hear- 
ing that  war  is  the  work  of  the  Lord  our  God. 

Ahah  king  of  Israel  proposetl  to  Jehoshaphat 
king  of  Judah,  an  alliance,  for  the  purpose  of  waging 
war  against  the  Syrians,  of  whicli  tlie  latter  accept- 
ed ;  but  expressed  a  desire  to  consult  the  prophets 
i-especting  the  nature  and  ends  of  the  contest.^ 
Jehoshaphat,  with  all  his  failings,  which  although  nu- 
merous, appear  to  have  chiefly  proceeded  from  the 
mildness  and  indecision  of  his  character,  was  a  pious 
man,  who  revered  the  word  of  the  Lord.  Ahab  was 
of  an  opposite  character,  but  made  it  a  part  of  his 
policy  to  keep  a  numerous  ministry  depending  upon 
tlie  royal  bounty  ;  because,  by  that  very  dependence 
he  niTght  calculate  upon  their  influence,  in  the  com- 
munity, to  favour  his  plans  of  ambition  and  tyranny 


Luke  xii.  7.    }  Num.  xxi.  14.    i  ^  Kings  xxii.  1—5 


THE   I'RESKNT    WAH. 


203 


The  ver^ 


eral  parts  of 
Providence 
said  in  the 
',  in  the  Red 
t  the  stream 
;lling  of  Ar, 


>assage  froui 
to  the  seve- 
t  upon  liear- 
[•God. 

Jehoshaphat 
>se  of  waging 
atter  accept- 
the  prophets 
he  contest.^ 
although  nu- 
led  from  the 
,  was  a  pious 
.  Ahab  was 
I  part  of  his 
lending  upon 

dependence 
,  in  the  com- 
and  tyranny 


He  accordingly  smninoncd  a  council  of  prophets, 
which  was  attended  by   about  fotu-  imndred.     They 
knew  the  inclination  of  the  king  of  Israel :  they  were 
not  so  well  acquainted  with  the  will  of  the  king  of 
heaven :  and  they  did  not  hesitate  to  give,  what  their 
patron  expected,  the  sanction  of  their  religion  to  his 
belligerent  proposals.*     He  was  gratified ;  but  his 
ally,  suspecting  the  character  of  Ahab's  prophets, 
was  not  satisfied :  he  inquired  for  some  teacher  of  di- 
vine truth,  worthy  of  more  confidence.     There  was 
one  of  that  description  at  hand.     Micaiah  the  son  of 
Imlah,  was  well  known  in  Samaria  for  his  plainness 
and  integrity ;  but,  as  might  be  expected,  of  such  a 
character,  that  he  was  not  in  favour  with  the  court. 
Though  constrained  to  respect  his  virtues,  they  dis- 
liked him  for  his  unyielding  disposition.     I  hate  him, 
said  Ahab,  for  he  does  not  prophcsi/  good  concerning 
me,  but  evil.f  "^ 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  king  of  Israel,  however, 
not  to  displease  or  disappoint  a  man  upon  whose 
co-operation  he  calculated  in  <he  Syrian  war;  and, 
in  order  to  gratify  Jehoshaphat,  Micaiah  was  admitted' 
to  the  royal  presence.  Enrobed  in  state  apparel, 
the  two  allied  monarchs  sat  upon  thrones,  before  the 
gate  of  Samaria,  receiving,  in  the  presence  of  the 
populace,  the  homage  of  the  more  courtly  prophets, 
when  the  son  of  Imlah  approached.  He  came  along 
with  a  trusty  messenger  from  Aiiab,  who  had  pre- 
viously solicited  a  favourable  reply  from  him  to  the. 


)  xxil.  \ — 5 


*  See  verse  6. 


f  Verse  f?. 


204 


GOD  H   PROVIDENCE   IN 


1 

I,' 

1 

i 

1 

i 

1        i 

proposition  of  tlio  kings.  Tlie  prophet  made  no 
stipulafionH,  save  expressing  a  iletermination  to  do 
his  (Inly.  When  lie  spake,  lie  i»redicted  the  fall  of 
Ahab  in  the  battle.* 

Enraged  at  such  boldness,  the  king  ordered  the 
prophet  instantly  lo  prison,  to  In  fed  upmi  bread  of 
njjlieiion,  and  water  of  affliction,  until  he  should  liim- 
st  If  return  from  the  field  of  battle,  whithei  he 
speedily  directed  his  troops  to  march.  And  Micaiah 
said,  if  thou  rclurn  at  all  in  peace,  the  Lord  hath  not 
spoken  at  all  by  me.f  The  fact  verified  the  predic- 
tion. War  was  waged ;  and  Ahab,  in  despite  of  his 
cowardly  disguise,  fell  in  battle. 

The  words  of  the  prophet,  before  the  gates  of  Sa- 
maria, explain  in  what  sense,  war  waged,  by  sinful 
men  infiuenced  by  a  spirit  of  delusion,  may,  never- 
theless, be  said  to  be  of  the  Lord.  /  saw  the  Lord 
sitting  on  his  throne,  and  all  the  host  of  heaven  stand- 
ing by  him,  on  his  right  hand  and  on  his  left.  And 
the  Lord  said,  who  shall  persuade  Ahab,  that  he  may 
go  up  and  fall  at  Ramoth-gilead  ? — And  there  came 
forth  a  spirit,  and  stood  before  the  Lord,  and  said^  I 
will  persuade  him — I  will  go  forth,  and  be  a  lying  spi- 
rit in  the  mouth  of  all  his  prophets.  And  he  said,  go 
forth,  and  do  so.  Now  therefore,  behold,  the  Lord 
hath  put  a  lying  spirit  in  the  mouth  of  all  these  thy 
prophets,  and  the  Lord  hath  spoken  evil  concerning 
you.t 


Verses  9 — 17. 


I  Verse  28. 


i  Verses  19—23. 


THE   PRESENT  WAB. 


202 


rses  19—23. 


i^Vom  tliis  account,  it  appears,  that  Aiiab  and  his 
prophets,  seduced  by  an  evil  spirit,  voluntarily 
acted  and  sinned— that  the  Governor  of  the  world 
permitted  tlieir  transgressions,  and  employed  their 
actions  to  answer  his  righteous  purpones— that  the 
contest  at  Ramoth-gilead  was  predestinated,  pre- 
dicted, and  brought  to  pass,  by  the  Lord  our  God. 

3.  The  wars,  which  are,  in  this  age  of  the  world, 
carried  on  in  Christendom,  are  pecnliarly  pointed  out 
in  prophecy  as  the  work  of  God. 

That  part  of  sacred  history,  from  which  I  have  ta- 
ken my  text,  very  readily  suggests  to  every  one,  fa- 
miliar with  the  Bible,  a  portion  of  New  Testament 
prediction  which  justifies  this  reinark.  I  refer  to  the 
outpouring  of  the  sixth  Apocalyptical  vial.  It  is 
the  intimate  connexion  between  tliese  two  passages 
of  Scripture  that  induced  the  selection  of  my  text. 

The  prophecy  of  Jeremiah,  respects  the  downfal 
of  the  ancient  Babylon.  This  is  « the  work  of  the 
Lord  to  be  declared  in  Zion."  The  event  took  place 
under  Belshazzar,  and  was  effected  by  the  united  ar- 
mies of  Darius  the  Mede  and  Cyrus  Prince  of  Per- 
sia, conducted  by  the  latter,  the  greatest  general  of 
his  own  thne. 

Media  and  Persia,  both  lay  to  the  east  of  Judea 
and  of  Chaldea,  and  on  this  account,  a  Jew,  writino-  in 
Palestine  about  the  affairs  of  Babylon,  must  cotsi- 
der  the  well-known  destroyers  of  Chaldean  great- 


J 


f  • 

1 

if 

1 

1 

♦: 


206 


OOD  S   rnOVIDENOE    IN 


ncBs,  Cyrus  and  his  uncle  Cyaxares,  as  the  kin^s  of 
the  east.  For  Iwenly-one  years,  the  empire  of  the 
world  was  disputed  between  these  kings  and  the  ru- 
lers of  Babylon.  It  was  by  stratagem  they  at  last 
succeeded.  The  Euphrates,  which  runs  through  that 
city,  was  diverted  at  hnmcnire  labour  from  its  chan- 
nel;  and  when  the  waters  abated,  tlie  Medes  and 
the  Persians  marched  in  and  took  possession;*  This 
explains  the  words  of  John  the  Divine.  The  sixth 
angel  poured  out  his  vial  vpoii  the  great  river  Eu- 
phrates ;  and  the  water  thereof  nas  dried  up^  that  the 
waj/  of  the  kings  of  the  east  might  be  prepared.^ 

The  sixth  vial  designates  the  period  under  wliich 
we  live.  I  shall  not  here  repeat  what  I  formerly  said 
in  your  hearing,  in  my  Lectuke8  on  the  Period 

*  "  After  a  siege  of  nearly  two  yearg,  Cyrus  at  Ii  ?t  succeeded  in 
taking  Babyio.  ,  Understanding  that  a  great  annual  festival  was  to 
be  kept  at  Dabylon,  he  sent  up  a  party  of  his  men  to  the  easlie, 
leading  to  the  great  lake,  with  orders  to  break  down  the  bank, 
and  turn  the  whole  current  into  the  lake.  Towards  evening  he 
opened  tht  head  of  the  trenches  on  both  sides  the  river  above  the 
city.  In  the  interim,  getting  all  his  forces  together,  he  posted  one 
part  of  them  at  the  place  where  the  river  entered  the  city,  and  the 
other  where  it  came  out,  witli  orders  to  enter  as  soon  as  the  channel 
became  fordable.  By  the  middle  of  the  night,  both  parties  enter- 
ed, the  one  having  Gobrics,  and  the  other  Qadatcs,  two  revolting 
nobles  of  Chaldea,  for  their  guides.  Both  parli:"  m.'t  a'  the  pa- 
lace, surprised  the  guards,  took  possession,  anil  ;J  u  ,e  king. 
This  account  Herodotus  and  Xenophon  both  give  oi  the  taking  of 
Babylon  by  Cyrus;  and  herein  they  exactly  agree  with  the  sacred 
scriptures." 

Prideam,  VoL  I  p.  15^-155. 
^  Rev.  xvi.  12. 


THK   PREtENf   W.lh. 


207 


».  15IV-155, 


^OF  THK  Vials,  to  prove  thai  wc  are  now  under  the 
stxih  J  take  iJmt  fact  for  granied.  'I'he  fifth  intrc 
duced  the  reformation.  The  seventh  wil,  introduee 
the  ,mllenn,u,n.  The  hdervening  .i.M(>n.ents,  on  an- 
U^hristian  nationH,  bt  long  to  the  suth. 

We  have  shown,  that  the  unclean  spirits  which  pro- 
ceed from  Satan,  doing  wonders,  seducing  {lickings  of 
iheJlomauEart/^,  and  even  of  the  whole  worhl  to^o 
lorth  to  war-Mm  unekan  spirits  li/ce  frogs,  out  of  L 
mouth  of  the  dragon,  the  beast,  and  the  false  prophet 
are,  the  principles  of  infidelity,  of  tyranny,  and  of 
hypocrisy,  supported  by  philosophi.ts,  by  European 
monarchs,  and  by  corrupt  ecclesiastics,  producing 
wars,  and  gathering  the  nations  to  their  merited  \m\l 
ments.  We  have  shown,  that  it  is  the  design  of  heaven, 
wiule  employing  that  terrible  machinery,  as  a  wo  to 
the  kmgdom  of  the  man  of  sin,  to  destroy  the  im- 
mense  resources,  which  the  establishments  of  the  old 
world  draw  from  their  system  of  foreign  coloniza- 
lon,  and  its  dependent  commerce.     We  have  shown, 
that  this  the  object  of  the  sixth  vial,  began  to  be  ac- 
complished in  the  American  revolution;  and  that  the 
waters  of  Euphrates,  thus  diverted  from  their  channel 
through  the  midst  of  Babylon,  will  continue  to  flow 
more  and  more  in  another  course,  until  the  former 
channel  is  dry,  and  the  corrupt  establishments  of  Eu- 
rope become  a  more  easy  prey  to  « the  kings  of  the 
east,    the  agents  of  their  ruin.    Of  this  vial  the  pre- 
sent war  is  a  part:  and  whatever  may  have  been  the 
•ntention  of  it.  instigators  an<I  opponents ;  whatever 


tJ       ' 


208 


THE   CONSEQUENCES   Ol? 


the  itiiiiiediaie  motives  of  its  origin  and  continuaiiCc, 
it  is  a  part  of  the  grand  scheme  of  Providence,  for 
drying  up  the  waters  of  the  modern  or  mystic  Baby- 
lon; and  as  such,  it  is  in  a  peculiar  sense  the  work 
of  the  Lord  our  (iod,  which  it  behoves  us  both  to 
declare  and  to  explain  in  Zion.  But  this  leads  to 
another  part  of  my  discourse. 

II.   TVc  shall  show  the  several  ends  to  be  answered  bjj 
{his  war,  as  a  work  of  God's  good  Providence, 

This  tlieme  of  discussion  recommends  itself,  in  a 
particular  manner,  to  christian  attention.  All  that 
love  the  l^ord  Jesus  Christ,  will  regard  the  doings  of 
his  hand.  He  hath  exalted  his  throne  in  the  heavens, 
and  his  kingdom  ruleth  over  all.  Whatever  judguient 
we  form  of  the  views  and  the  actions  of  nien  in  pow- 
er over  the  several  nations ;  it  is  our  incumbent  duly 
to  study  with  care  the  designs  of  heaven,  so  far  as 
ihey  are  developed  in  the  dispensations  of  his  Pro- 
vidence. Behold,  as  the  eyes  of  servants  look  unto  the 
hand  of  their  masters,  and  as  the  eyes  of  a  maiden  to 
the  hands  of  her  mistress ;  so  our  eyes  ivail  upon  the 
Lord  our  God.* 


The  war  in  which  our  country  is  engaged,  is  a 

part    of  THE   GRAND    SCHEME   OK   God's    PrOVIDENCE, 

and  requires  that  we  consider  it,  both  as  it  respects 
this  nation  in  particular,  and  as  it  respects  the  gene- 
ral faniily  of  nations. 

'^  Ps.  cxxiil.  2. 


THi^    I'HEaKNT    U'AK. 


I  continuaiiCe, 
rovidence,  for 
mystic  Baby- 
ense  (he  work 
es  us  both  to 
t  this  leads  to 


be  answered  bjj 
ndencc, 

ids  itself,  in  a 
on.  All  that 
i  the  doings  of 
n  the  heavens^ 
!ver  judgment 
f  men  in  pow- 
cumbent  (\\\iy 
iven,  so  far  as 
ns  of  his  Pro- 
fs look  unto  the 
r  a  maiden  to 
wail  upon  the 


jngaged,  is  a 

Providence, 

IS  it  lespects 

;cts  the  gene- 


209 


»1>"  tiMK  us  only  |,y  .ncn.s  „r  |,i,  ,,.veal,.,|  ,vi|| .   ,,„, 

litUii  so  ordf>i-(>(l  if    #ii^4  . 

for    l,e   f       7''""-"  "'"'•'"'"'■V'vve  ,„..v  a,..,,.,,,. 
cau.c     ,1  ,»  „„t  ,„  ,,„  ,|^„i^^,,    ,1^^^^  .^  y 

;'wv  «/-/.r  M.  .„„„«,  „r  /as  „„,„  „.,w.    , ,:     *  ,f 

Inns  -n  va,„.     The  efKu..  ,„..,,lu,ecl  wo,,,  i       „    ,, 

war  appears  .U.s.ine.l  by  ,l,e  (;„'„  ..f  l,.,,.,      .^ 
«e  purpo...  of  a>4.„„._„  ,,,,_;.;:;: 

i.  r/ie   WV  is  a  Judgment. 

T;I«   a,,,    of    i„,|ivi,|„a|    (ran.K,r..ors    are    not 
P""';"'"  '"  ""■■■'■  <■""  -"-nt  i„  \uy  life.     At  ,Te 

'*•     Hu(  „a(„m.s  ilo  not  cxisl  as  bodies  politi,.  i,,  ,!,„ 
«".rlcl  of  spi,i,s.    Uivine  Justi.e  lavs  .  ,1,1  of     ,    „ 

«-">  <'K'-r  "-entecl  p„nisl.„,c„,.  The  trans^jressi,  ,„.  ,f 

""••  e"-|..re  are  eonfessemy  nu,„ero,,s;  a,„l  i„  no 
country  upon  earth  .lo  the  ,si„.  of  ,li„i„en.  in,1ivi,|" 
»l  rcjuue  more,  to  be  taken  into  ll,e  ae.o.u,,  of  ,he 
"»li.."al  S-nll.  Ihan  tho.se  of  .he  people  of  ,l,e  tini.ed 
^  |des;  because  in  „o  other  ....untry,  are  the  people 
^...1  (he  sovernmen.  so  .-onipleteiy  i.fen.ified  in  he 
•■onstuuiiui.  auJ  aduauist ,a( ion  of  civil  power.     The 

37 


I 


■o 


210 


THE    DESIGN   OF 


t-  .   ft 


moral  character  of  those  who  are  elected  to  office^, 
is  known  to  Iheir  constituents:  their  acts,  while  in 
office,  are  the  acts  of  the  community  which  they  re- 
present: the  offences  committed  by  public  men,  are, 
therefore,  justly  laid  to  the  account  of  the  common- 
wealth. It  is  a  fact,  that  we  suffer ;  and  had  we  not 
sinned,  such  sufferings  would  not  have  befallen  us. 
Therefore  hath  the  Lord  watched  upon  the  evil,  and 
brought  it  upor  us :  for  the  Lord  our  God  is  righteous 
in  all  his  works  which  he  doeth :  for  we  obeyed  not  his 
voice.*     We  feel  our  sufferings. 


The  mind  is  harassed  by  anxiety ;  the  body  is  bro- 
ken down  by  the  fatigues  of  warfare :  families  are 
separated  to  meet  no  more:  and  the  arts,  the  em- 
ployments, and  tlie  comforts  of  domestic  life,  give 
way  to  the  labours  of  flight  from  the  scene  of  danger  ; 
to  the  duties  of  the  camp,  and  of  the  field  of  battle  ; 
and  to  the  collection  of  the  scattered  fragments  of 
what  remains  of  former  treasure. 

Property  is  rapidly  changing  hands.  The  Trader 
sees  his  ships  rotting  in  the  harbour,  and  become 
a  prey  for  worms.  His  capital  is  without  produc- 
tive employment,  and  gradually  melting  away  like 
the  April  snow.  The  Manufacturer,  the  Adven- 
turer, the  Sailor,  the  Soldier^  and  especially  the  Pub- 
lic Contractor,  is  supported  or  enriched  on  the  public 
loss.  A  i'ew  years  of  war,  will  make  many  rich  men 
poor,  and  some  poor  men  wealthy, 

*  Dao.  ix.  14. 


:ted  to  office^ 
acts,  while  in 
vhich  they  re- 
blic  men,  are, 
the  common- 
id  had  we  not 
5  befallen  us. 
the  evily  and 
)d  is  righteous 
obeyed  not  his 


e  bodv  is  bro- 
:  families  are 
arts,  the  em- 
stic  life,  give 
ne  of  danger ; 
Bid  of  battle ; 
fragments  of 


The  Trader 
and  become 
hout  produc- 
ng  away  like 
the  Ad  men- 
ially the  Pub- 
onthe  public 
lany  rich  men 


THE    PRESENT   WAR.  211 

and  d,et,  as  well  as  by  the  sword  of  battJe,  many  fall 

oi  sorrow.     Heavy  taxation,  for  the  present  and  „. 
accn,„u,a,ing  national  deb,  for  the  suLeed   'ggle" 

this,  and  „,  all  these  sufferings  we  clearly  see  (he  i„- 

fof:  r  1  T  ''""'■     ""  "PP-o'ed  these  ev 
lor  national   ehastisement :   and   the   fact   ■„„■.   k 

proclaimed  in  Zion  as  the  wor/of, t'Cru 

r:;f:;:;;:;:i;.''^'''^"--^-n--j^ 

2.  The  War  is  a  Trial. 

If  would  be  no  less  comfortless  to  ourselves    ,hm 
ungrateful  ,0  a  merciful  God,  were  we  to  cons    er 
tte  ev,ls  which  he  brings  upon  us  solely  in  the     g 
of  a  punishment.     War,  like  other  evUs,  is  ordain- 
ed  for  Inal:  and  as  such,  CInistians  will  improve  the 
dispensation.     While   if  corrects  for  preius  and 
present  gin  t,  it  makes  proof  of  the  remaining  good 
Such  was  the  principal  character  of  fhe  afHicri^ns  of 
Job.     Such  were  the  suflerings  of  piimltlve  perse- 
cution: and  such  are,  in  a  great  measure,  the  evils 
Of  a  nation  prosecuting  legimate  warfare. 

In  the  pre^nt  state  of  this  country  the  eommunify 
..severely  tried,  as  to  the  degree  of  Christian  libe- 
uhty  among  Us  members-as  to  the  patriotism  of 


#*■ 


r-,„. 


m 


212 


THK   DKFIGN   OP 


tlie  nil(MV!  and  llie  ])C'oj)lo — and  as  to  the  worth  of 
their  free  repuhiican  inslitulions. 


i 


Firsf.  The  contest  does  in  fact  show  where  Chris- 
iinn  lihcralily  is  found,  and  in  vviiat  deijree  it  exists 
anioni;'  ils  profoMMs.  Chaiity,  r(speclin<^  tlie  dif- 
ferent opinions  of  Christian  sects  and  denominations, 
has  h)niij  heen  a  favourite  doctiine  in  this  country. 
AVhcth'.r  it  arises  from  true  henevolence,  or  from  in- 
diUerence  to  reli<;ion  itxlf,  remains  to  be  shown.  If 
from  trjie  henevolence,  it  will  certainly  triumph 
over  political  animosities.  And  tiie  war  will  make 
it  apj)ear  vvliether  these  party  jwlitical  distinctions, 
v'hich  have  so  lon^  and  unhappily  existed,  can  be 
made  to  yiehl  to  Christian  attachments  to  such  a  de- 
gi'ce,  as  tliat  brother  can  listen  to  a  brother,  and  impar- 
tially esteem  him,  and  love  him  still,  although  of  dif- 
feient  sentiments  respecting  the  rharacter  of  the 
present  war.    Cliarity  is  not  limited  to  a  political  sect. 

Second,  The  state  of  the  country  does  also  try  ef- 
fectually the  degree  of  patriotism  which  is  still  to  be 
found  in  tlie  United  States. 


It  will  show  how  fiir  a  man  is  willing  to  suffer  for 
his  country — How  far  he  is  ready  to  sacrifice  views 
of  |)ersonal  interest  or  ambition — How  far  he  is 
prepared  to  give  up  with  the  pride  of  opinion,  sup- 
press tiie  prejudices  of  party  spirit,  cast  oti'the  train- 
inels  of  that  j)arty  machinery,  wherewith  he  has 
been  held  in  bondage.  The  country  calls  for  unani- 
mity   in  repelling  and  chastising  the  foe.    In  the 


THE    PRESENT   WAR. 


213 


the  worth  of 


time  of  lier  distress,  an  ainplt-  oppoHunitv  is  afforded 
to  the  holbu-hearted  patriot,  1(,   if  vilJ  lier,  to  em- 
barrass her  counsels  and   proceedings,  and  like  Hhi- 
niei,  at.  Bahnrim,  to  curse  her  as  guilt>  before  (Jod, 
in  hopes  of  risini(  on  her  ruins.     But  this  is  the  thne' 
to  show  the  true  patriot,  <,f  whatever  party.     Hi,  Jn- 
th.ence  andJiis  advice  ;  his  co-operation  and  support  • 
his  wishes  and  his  piayers,  will  be  otlered  up  for  the' 
maintenance  of  the  contest  with  adequate  resources, 
uniil   victory  crown  with  success  the  efforts  of  his 
country,  and  procure  an  lionourable  and  a  perma- 
nent pacification. 

The  patriotic  statesman,  had  he  personally  suff^e,- 
ed  from  tns  country  tlie  greatest  injustice,  would 
come,  in  the  present  crisis,  as  Arisiides,  to  his  rival 
Thcmnlodes,  and  offer  his  services,  in  givincr  effect  to 
the  war,  for  tl)e  good  of  his  country.  In  vain  do  they 
profess  Christianity,  who   will  permit  the  pagans  of 

Greece  to  exhibit  greater  degrees  of  disinterestedness 
under  snmiar  circumstances.  It  is  to  be  hoped,  that 
in  this  hour  of  trial,  it  will  be  made  to  appear,  that 
Athenians  do  not  exceed  Americans  in  jmtrioUsm. 

Third.  The  present  war  is  a  trial  of  our  republi- 
can institutions. 


America  gave  to  the  civilized  world,  tlie  first 
specimen  of  a  country,  great  and  enterprizing,  ca- 
pable of  order  and  prosperity  without  kings,  without 
nobles,  without  degrading  the  lower  classes  of  the 
community  into  a  .tate  of  servitude,  and  withoid 


214 


THE    OOOn    EFFECTS  OK 


h 


making  of  religion  and  its  mitiisters,  an  engine  of 
poiiticiil  power.  'I'his  fact  is  known  in  Km  ope.  It 
is  alrL'ady  admitted  ev(M'y  wnerc  by  men  capable  of 
relleetion,  tliat  repul»li<anism,  that  a  trnc  ffeprrstnla' 
five  Dcmocrarif  is  tlie  l)est  form  of  government  for  a 
people  at  peace.  Itut  can  it  endure  the  shock  of 
war?  That  is  the  question  which  has  heen  answered, 
by  the  advocates  of  arhitiary  power,  in  the  negative. 
That  is  the  interesting  question  now  in  trial  by  this 
war.  If  we  succeed  in  this  contest,  the  superiority 
of  our  political  institutions  njust  be  evident  to  our- 
selves, and  to  the  whole  world.  If  a  government, 
su|)ported  but  by  half  tlie  strength  of  the  nation, 
witiiout  fleets,  witlioutanuies,  and  without  the  wealth 
which  gives  sinews  to  war,  dared  to  declare  hostili- 
ties; if  a  republican  government,  without  veteran 
soldiers,  and  without  experienced  generals,  is  found 
capable  of  carrying  on  a  contest  with  the  most  pow- 
erfid  nation  on  earth,  a  nation  skilled  in  war,  at  the 
very  acme  of  her  greatness  and  glory,  victorious 
over  all  her  other  enemies,  with  an  immense  disposa- 
ble force :  and  if,  under  such  circumstances,  we  can 
proc  re  an  honourable  peace,  then  is  our  freedom 
secure,  then  shall  we  have  confidence  in  one  an- 
other, and  become  the  admiration  of  the  world. 


^ 


3.    The  War  is  a  BenefiL 


■ 


*'  The  Lord  reigneth ;  let  the  earth  rejoice.  Clouds 
and  darkness  are  round  about  him:  righteousness 
and  judgment  are  the  habitation  of  his  throne.  Zion 
heard  and  ivas  glad  ;  and  the  daughter  of  Judah  re- 


h 


enejine  of 
ino|u>.  It 
capablo  of 
^h/irfsfntd' 
II lent  for  a 

shock  of 
aiiswort!(I, 
p  ru'^alivc. 
jai  h;^  this 
uperiority 
L'lit  to  our- 
jvornment, 
he  nation, 
the  wealth 
fire  ho^tili- 
it  veteran 
s,  is  found 
most  |)o\v- 
var,  at  the 
victorious 
se  disposa- 
ls, we  can 
r  freedom 
n  one  an- 
vorld. 


;e.  Clouds 
liteousness 
one.  Zion 
Judah  rt- 


THE   I'RESKNT   WAR. 


215 


joked  because  of  thy  jiidirments,  O  Lord.  Rejoice 
in  the  Lord,  .ye  ri^rhteous ;  and  give  tiianks  at  the 
remeiiibrance  of  hia  hoIinesB."* 

Whether  F  shall  be  able,  my  christian  brethren, 
to  specify  the  advantages  which  will  flow  from  this 
contest  or  not,  \  know  well  that  Cod  intends  it  for 
good.     Whether  I  shall  succeed  in  convincing  you, 
that  the  etiects  which  I  am  about  to  mention,  will  in 
fact  foll(»w,  or  that  even  when  they  co.r.e  to  pass, 
they  shouhl  be  considered  as  a  public  benefit,  I  will 
not  now  venture  to  aflirm:  but,  at   all  events,  the 
saints  are  required  to  rejoice  in  his  jmlpnenls ;  and 
these  judgments  must,  of  course,  give  cmst  of  joy. 
Others  may  contemplate  the  prospect  before  them 
with  gloo.ny  appr(-hensions.     Let  tliem  cheerlessly 
cast  their  eye-  upon  the  evil,  and  fall  into  deiipondence. 
Let  them  fret,  and  abuse,  and  curse  the  hand  that 
smites  them;  but,  I  know  thai  all  thimrs  shall  work 
toi^clher  for  good.     Walking  by  faith,  our  eye  is  di- 
rected to  him  that  sitteth  upon  the  circle  of  the 
earth;  and  thus,   we  recommend   to   his   care  our 
bleeding  country,  confident  that,  in  this  struggle,  in 
vindicaticm  of  its  injured  riglits,  he  will  avenge  our 
cause,  and  execute  Judgment  for  us. 

I  flatter  myself,  however,  that  T  shall  be  able  to 
point  out  sonje  good  effects  which  the  Lord  intenrlfi 
to  bring  about  by  this  war. 

*  Ps.  xcvii. 


21(i 


TlIK    liOOli    EFKKCTS    OF 


I' 


First.  Til  ils  vnv  ijr('a(«'sl  evil-,  I  ran  perceive  ac 
tuni  luMiofits,  'VUv  HullJiinsiis  vvliirli  it  (•.m^c^s,  will 
excii'ise  the  siiiiit-;  to  ijodliiH'ss,  and  promote  their 
holiness,  tiieir  useluliiess-,  and  their  future  liap|)iness. 
The  ehani;e  in  tiic  state  of  property  which  it  produ- 
ces, must  inculcate  in  the  bosom  of  tin*  virtuous,  de- 
pendenc(!  on  Clod,  the  oid y  unchan<i;eal)le  j^ood  ;  and 
as  to  others,  I  can  trust  to  the  wisdoiri  of  Heaven, 
since  (iod  knows  better  than  we  do,  in  whose  hands 
the  multitude  of  j^old  and  silver  will  he  of  the  most 
value  in  the  worl<l.  Tlie  havoc  made  by  the  sword, 
cuts  otr  many  of  the  wicked  from  annoying  the 
earth;  and  the  iijodly  who  fall  are  delivered  from 
temptation  and  trouble,  and  hastened  home  to  the 
enjoyment  of  a  threat  reward.  Immorality  itself, 
will  in  line  be  overruled  by  Him,  who  mnnbers  the 
hails  of  our  head,  for  his  own  glory  and  the  welfare 
of  liis  chosen  sons  and  daughters. 


Second.  Tlie  American  war  brings  to  notice, 
among  the  thinking  part  of  society,  among  the 
scholars  and  the  statesmen,  throughout  the  nations, 
great  and  important  piinciples  of  moral  order,  the 
knowhMJge  of  wliich,  has  been  heretofore  confined 
to  a  lew  of  comparatively  little  influence  in  the 
world. 


The  csseulinl  prlncip/cs  of  the  social  compact,  as 
arising  from  the  constitution  of  luiman  nature,  and 
declared  in  the  woid  of  God — a  compact,  nccessan/ 
indeed,   and  yet  volualary  upon  the  part  of  each 


THE   I'HESENT   WAfi. 


il? 


►erccMve  ac- 
MU^os,  will 
)iii<tte  tlioir 
»  happiness. 
Ii  it  prodii- 
rtuous,  (le- 
«f<H)(l  ;  and 
f)f  Heaven, 
/hose  hands 
of  the  most 
the  sword, 
noying  the 
vered  from 
ome  to  the 
ality  itself, 
limbers  the 
the  welfare 


to  notice, 
among  the 
he  nations, 
1  order,  the 
re  confined 
ince  in  the 


ompact,  as 
lature,  and 
t,  necessari/ 
vi  of  each 


meml*r,  will  Um.  I,cc,..,.e  a  subject  .,f  ,„ore  general 
.-•xam.naf.,„.     I,  i,  not  merely  f„r  "free  trade  a.,.l 
'""""  "■'<'"'•    "'^'t  ""»  <onle.t  was  intended  by  tbo 
O.-vernor  o(  (be  norld:  it  wa«  K.  il|„,,ra1e  (be  ,„!„: 
c.|.l.:s  ..f  national  morality  witb  wbi.b  IbcHc  practical 
<|U«.l..,„s  are   necessarily   associated.     'I'be  proper 
•'Kcpendency  of  nations,  eac!,  of  all  otber,.  is  a  sub- 
ject ol  .onsHleration.     TI.e  trre  nature  of  allegiance, 
<l"e  m  proportion  to   tbe  ,»r„iecUon  needed,  asked 
for,   and  enjoyed,    is  exbibited   to  view;    so   as   to 
"mmtarn  the  idea  (bat  man  is  as  free  to  choose  I,h 
residence  as  bis  employment,  l,is  country  as  bis  wife. 
Ins  ruler  as  l,is  servant:  the  rights  of  industry  ami 
comntercal  mtercourse,  to  be  equably  grante.l  to  all 
the  nations;  and  admitted  by  others  to  be  without 
restraint    while  prosecuted  openly  and  honourablv. 
are  hereby  made  a  subjec(  of  general  attention  a.Id 
discussion.     1  hese  topics  are  urged  at  an  interesting 
crisis  in  the  civilized  world-by  the  ability  and  elo- 
quence of  our  seixetaries  and  arabassadors-by  the 
bravery  of  our  troops  and  the  success  of  our  ships 
of  war,  they  are  forced  upon  the  notice  of  kings  and 
of  emperors;  of  philosophers  and  of  poets;  of  mer- 
chants, of  mechanics,  of  husbandmen ;  yea    of  all 
ranks  of  men.     They  will  thus  command  a  'respe"ct 
which  politicians  would  scorn  to  yield  to,  the  ma.x- 
ims  ol  equity,  or  to  the  precepts  of  the  word  of  God. 

Third.  By  the  present  contest,  America  will  ac- 
quire a  respectable  character  in  the  family  of  na- 
tions. 

28 


atii 


IHE   GOOD   EFFECTS   OK 


f^ 


She  lias  long  been  abused  and  insulted  for  her 
peaceful  demeanour.    The  belligerents  of  Europe 
acted  towards  this  country,  as  if  it  liad  been  dena- 
Uonalised.    The  weakness  of  the   government,  die 
cowardice  of  the  people,  and  above  all,  the  avidity 
of  the  merchants,  were  subjects  of  scorn  and  conr 
tempt  abroad:  but  the  shame  is  remove  1 ;  the  vete- 
rans of  Wellington  attest  the  prowess  of  our  troops; 
and  the  world  is  astonished  at  tiie  facility  with  which 
our  naval  heroes  have  conquered,  when  they  met 
upon  terms  of  equality,  those  who  had  conqiiered  all 
other  nations.    The  American  character,  in  argu- 
ment and  diplomacy,  in  the  council  and  upon  the 
field,  now  stands  confessed ;  and  this  is  a  guarantec- 
against  future  insolence  and  aggression. 

Foiirlh.  As  another  effect  of  the  contest,  the 
American  name,  respected  abroad,  will  communi- 
cate at  home  the  ir.ipulse  of  patriotism.  The  love 
of  country,  weakened  by  familiarity  with  its  ene- 
mies, and  destroyed  by  the  love  of  wealth,  shortly 
after  Ihe  war,  which  established  the  independence  of 
America,  will  be  revived  by  Ms  second  war  of  inde- 
pendence i  and  the  several  monied  interests,  which 
are  set  in  operation  independently  of  British  com- 
merce»  as  well  as  the  growing  influence  of  domestic 
literature  and  arts,  will  serve  to  cherish  that  passion 
in  the  breasts  of  the  rising  generation.  Hereafter 
they  will  take  an  honourable  pride  in  the  deeds  of 
Uieir  statesmen  and  their  warriors ;  and  it  will  be  feit 
by  themselves,   and  known  to  others,  that  on  a 


if 


THE  PRESENT  WAR. 


219 


ed  for  her 
of  Europe 
iHjen  d^'tia' 
nment,  ihe 
Ihe  avidity 
1  and  conr 
;  the  vete- 
>ur  t  roops ; 
with  which 
they  met 
r>q\iered  all 
r,  in  argu- 
d  upon  the 
,  guarantee- 


ontest,  the 

communi- 

The  love 

ith  its  ene- 

1th,  shortly 

jendence  of 

var  of  inde- 

ests,  which 

British  com- 

of  domestic 

that  passion 

Hereafter 

the  deeds  of 

;  will  be  feit 

that  on  a 


I 


question  of  foreign  opposition,  they  are  all  Ame- 
ricans. 


I^ifth.  The  doctrine  of  expatriation,  and  the  true 
nature  of  allegiance  and  protection,  being  hereafter 
better  understood,    will   encourage   tlie   best    part 
of  the  Protestants  of  Europe  to  seek  an  asyluni 
m  these  lands,  in  the  day  of  trial  and  of  darkness, 
which  awaits  them  in  their  own  country.     In  vain 
should  we  conceal  from  ourselves  the  awful  truth- 
Europe,  the  Latin  earth,  the  scene  of  antichristian 
persecution,  is  to  suffer  more,  infinitely  more,  than  it 
has  done  in  the  last  twenty  years.    The  rejoicings 
which   have  taken  place  at  the  restoration   of  tlic 
Popish  powers,  shall  be  changed  to  lamentation  and 
wo.     The  saints  must  yet  suffer  before  the  witnesses 
finish  their  testimony ;  and  in  America  thousands  will 
yet  seek  for  hospitality  and  repose.     They  will  be 
encouraged,  from  the    well   known  fact,  that   we 
have   vindicated   by  the   sword  the   rights  of  the 
stranger.'* 

*  It  has  been  alleged,  that  the  cause  of  naturalized  citfeens  \m 
been  given  up  by  the  government :  but  happily  (he  allegation  is  un- 
founded.    Sad  will  be  that  day  to  America,  if  it  ever  shoulu  arrive, 
when  such  a  violation  of  her  own  faith,  and  of  the  moral  law,  will 
receive  her  Banction.     Then  the  curse  of  God  will  alight  upon  her 
shores;  and  be  more  terrible  than  all  her  present  evils.     But  the  al- 
legation  is  unfounded.     The  praclice  of  Britain,  of  which  America 
complained,  has  ceased  with  the  European  war.    Wc  cannot  force 
the  principle  upon  any  nation.     The  principle  is  our  own.     AH  we 
require  of  others  is,  not  to  injure  us  by  their  [iractice.  But  our  Com- 
missioners of  peace  are  expressly  instructed,  never  to  yield  the  prio- 
ciple  to  the  clainw  of  the  foe. 


220' 


THE  (iooi)  F,nT,rTs  or 


I 


Sixth.  The  present  war'appeai-s  destined  ot  Uio 
Lord,  to  subserve  the  cause  of  the  kings  of  the  east  in 
drying  up  the  waters  of  Euphrates.* 

This  is  a  war  for  roinincrcial  freedom,  and  against 
ilie   British  monopoly.     It  is   a  contest,   not  only 
to  prevent  the  recolonization  of  these  states,  but  also 
in  the  Providence  of  (iod  for  extending  the  princi- 
ples of  representative  democracy —the  blessings  of  li- 
berty, and  the  rights  of  self-government,  amon^  the 
colonies  of  Europe,  which  are  found  to  the  north 
and  to  the  south  of  us.    Like  the  wars  of  the  old 
world,  it  is  a  shield  horn  subjugation  to  the  Spanish 
colonics,  struggling  for  emancipation  to  the  south; 
and  independently  of  the  idea  of  conquering  Canada 
by  our  arms,  it  teaches  to  its  inhabitants  the  benefits 
of  peace  with  the  United  States.     It  will,  in  its  con- 
sequences,  diminish  their  attachment  to  England, 
and  instruct  them  in  the  value  of  liberty.    The  very 
opposition  which  is  made  to  this  war  is  the  me-Ms  of 
ultimately  strengthening  the  American  democracy. 
AVhatever  may  be  the  designs  of  the  leaders  of  that 
opposition,  the   arguments  employed  by  them  are 
democratic,  and  these  will  not  be  forgotten.    The 
appeals   which  are  made  to  the  peq)le  will  make  the 
people   still  more   sensible  of  their  own   strength 
and  importance.    The  societies  which  are  formed, 
whether  to  support  or  to  oppose  the  administration, 
are  so  many  small  democracies,  which  still  tend  to 
promote  the  principles  of  civil  liberty.    They  are 


■ 


*  See  pages  205— -207- 


THE    PKEPFNT   WAR. 


221 


he  easl  in 


id  against 
not  only 
I,  but  also 
lie  priiK'i- 
ngs  of  li- 
imon^  ilie 
the  north 
i  the  old 
le  Spanish 
he  south; 
ng  Canada 
le  benefits 
in  its  con- 
England, 
The  very 
B  inc^Ms  of 
emocracy. 
jrs  of  that 
theni  are 
^ten.    The 
I  make  the 
n   strength 
re  formed, 
inistration, 
ill  tend  to 
They  are 


Jacobinical  inslifutiotis,  conducted  with  all  fhe  zeal, 
for  power ;  bql  with  more  intelligence  and  order, 
than  the  Parisian  assjociations.  Nay,  the  very  cox- 
VKNTioN  of  the  Eastern  states,  and  all  the  opposition 
which  the  nieasui-cs  of  this  government  have  pro- 
voked in  that  part  of  our  country,  arc  predicated 
upon  the  principles  of  democracy.  The  war  it- 
self, and  all  ihft  strife  and  the  contention  which  it 
has  produced,  must  therefore  he  considered,  m  tUe 
Providence  of  (iod,  as  the  means  of  destruction  to 
the  slavish  doctrines  of  the  old  world,  and  as  ulti- 
mately tending  to  the  general  emancipation  of  the 
human  race  from  the  bondage  of  despotism  and  su- 
perstition. 

CONCLUSION. 

If  I  have  given,  in  these  discourses,  any  encou- 
ragement to  the  prosecution  of  this  war,  with  valour, 
with  unanimity,  and  with  energy,  I  have  dene  my  du- 
ty. The  faithful  ministers  of  Christ  give,  with  divine 
approbation,  the  golden  vials  full  of  the  last  plagurs, 
into  the  hands  of  the  angels  of  war  and  of  death; 
that  they  may  be  poured  out  upon  the  dominions  of 
the  man  of  sin.  In  common  with  others,  1  have  a 
right  to  declare  my  sentiments ;  and  in  doing  so,  in  a 
tone  of  respect  for  those  who  differ  from  me,  I  hope 
that  the  mere  fact,  of  these  sentiments  being  on  the 
side  of  my  country,  and  its  government,  in  this 
contest,  is  not  a  reason  for  comlemning  Jliem  un- 
heard, or  of  displeasuie  at  me  for  giving  lliem 
utterance. 


"MMH 


222 


CONCLUSION. 


I  have  spoken  upon  this  subject,  as  a  Whig — as 
the  friend  of  religion  and  liberty — as  a  consistent 
Presbyterian,  averse  from  arbitrary  power.  Our 
fathers,  my  dear  hearers,  were  of  that  stamp.  Our 
bretluen  in  the  Reformed  Church,  (for  I  have 
spoken  their  sentiments  cooccning  all  the  great 
moral  principles  which  I  have  discussed,)  are 
now,  and  have  been  from  the  dawn  of  the  refor- 
mation, Whigs  from  conscience.*  The  Puritans, 
the     Presbyterian^,    the    Martyrs,    supported    the 


*'The  origin  of  the  political  and  distinctive  names,  Whig  and 
Tory,  deserves  to  be  known.  It  is  an  Index  to  the  correct  applica- 
tion of  ttieni. 

"  This  year  (1679,)  is  remarkable  for  being  the  epoch  of  the  well 
known  epithets  of  Whig  and  Tory,  by  which  this  island  has  been 
so  long  divided.  The  court  party  reproached  their  antagonists 
with  their  affinity  to  the  fanatical  conventiciers  in  Scotland,"  (so 
it  suited  an  aiheisttorij,  for  David  Hume  was  no  democrat,  to  stig- 
matize the  most  pious  people  of  the  age,)  "  who  rvcre  known  hy  the 
name  of  Whigs.  The  country  pa  y  found  a  resemblance  between 
the  courtiers  and  the  Popish  banditti,  in  Ireland,  to  whom  the  ap- 
pellation of  Tory  was  affixed."    Hume's  Ckartes  II.  Chap.  IV. 

"  They  were  for  confining  the  royal  prerogative  within  the  limits 
of  the  law,  for  which  reason  their  adversaries  charged  them  with 
rejnihlican  principles^  and  gave  them  the  reproachful  name  of 
WiiiGs ;  a  name  first  given  to  the  most  rigid  covenanters.  The  To- 
ries w^nt  into  all  the  arbitrary  court  measures,  and  adopted  into 
our  religion,  a  Mahometan  principle,  under  the  name  of  Passive  Obe- 
dience, and  Non-reBistauce;  which,  since  the  times  of  that  impog- 
tor,  who  first  broached  it,  has  been  the  means  to  enslave  a  great 
part  of  the  world."    Neal's  Hist.  Puriians.  Vol,  IV.  p.  578. 

"  The  name  of  Whig  took  its  rise  in  the  reign  of  Charles  11. 
and  was  bestowed  on  the  best  patriots  then  in  the  kingdom.  True 
and  genuine  Whigism,  therefore,  consists  in  a  zealous  attachment 
fy  the  liberties  of  mankind."    Old  Whi!(. 


i   :'■ 


CONCLUSION. 


223 


a  Whig — as 
a  consistent 
lower.  Our 
stamp.  Our 
Tor  I  have 
11  the  great 
mussed,)  are 
»f  the  refor- 
he  Puritans, 
^ported    the 

mes,  Whig  and 
correct  applica* 

poch  of  the  well 
I  island  has  been 
ieir  antagonists 
Scotland,"  (so 
kmocrat,  to  stig- 
:rc  known  by  the 
iblance  between 

0  whom  the  ap- 
Chap.  IF. 

vitliin  the  HmitB 
rged  (hem  with 
achrui  name  of 
ters.  The  To- 
ld adopted  into 
of  Passive  Obe- 
i  of  that  impoB- 
enslave  a  great 
.  p,  578. 

1  of  Charles  II. 
ingdotn.  True 
yuB  attachment 


same  principles,  in  their  faithful  opposition  to 
the  throne,  and  the  prelacy  of  tyrannical  Eng- 
land. The  monuments  of  their  faith  and  their 
sufferings,  are  still  to  be  seen  by  the  traveller,  iu 
every  part  of  that  guilty  land ;  and  their  blood,  like  • 
that  of  Abel,  still  calls  for  vengeance  upon  the  suc- 
cessors of  the  persecutors,  the  advocates  of  the 
crown  and  the  mitre— the  British  Tories. 

The  spirit  of  true  religion  is  friendly  to  civil  li- 
berty.    It  has  appeared  to  be  so  in  every  country. 
The  most  faithful  of  the  reformers  with  patriotic  ar- 
dour contended  with  the  sword  in  defence  of  their  ci- 
vil and  religious  liberties.  Ulric  Zuingle,  the  morn- 
^  ing-star  of  the  reformation,  fell  in  battle  at  Zurich, 
1530,*  at  the  commencement  of  the  strife  against  ar- 
bitrary power;  and  towards  the  close  of  the  struggle 
which  terminated  in  the  overthrow  of  the  purest'^of 
the  churches,  Richard  Camron  fell  aiAirsmoss,  1680, 
while  defending,  as  a  Christian  hero,  the  religion  and 
liberties  of  his  country,  against  the  tyranny  of  the 
bishops,  and  the  royal  house  of  Stuart.t 

*  Mosheim,  Vol.  IV.  page  353. 
t  There,  said  Robert  Murray,  who  cut  oflF  the  head  and  hands  of 
Mr.  Camron,  and  presented  them  to  the  king's  council,  '^  There  arc 
the  head  ami  hands,  that  lived  praying  and  preaching,  and  died  pravins 
and  fightings  The  tyrannical  council,  in  the  refinement  of  cruelty 
ordered  them  to  be  shown  to  his  worlhy  Father,  now  in  prison  for 
the  same  cause.     He  was  asked  if  he  knew  them.     The  -ood  man 
took  them  in   his  hands,   kissed  them,  and  said,  "/  know  them 
fjiey  are  my  son\  my  dear  S0n\s:  Good  is  the  rvill  of  the  Lord  who 
mnnot  wrong  me  »r  mine,'^  ' 

Crook-Shank's  Ecc.  Hwf.  Fol.  IT.  p.  gp. 


•"^,-w 


224 


WONCLUSIOA. 


So  far  as  f,  loo,  inay  still  retain  any  portion  of 
tho  spirit  of  my  native  land,  where  Wallace  louglit, 
wliero  Buchanan  wrote,  where  A  war  preaclicd  tht 
gos|)el  of  (iofi,  where  tlie  3tarli/rs,  down  from  Patrick 
Hamilton  to  James  Renwick,  left  tiieir  flesh  to  rest 
in  hope  of  deliverance  -that  spirit  is  opposed  to  the 
impious  misrule  of  a  corrupt  hierarchy  and  immoral 
power.  If  I  haiye  caught  tlie  spirit  of  this,  the  country 
of  my  choice^  it  is  in  f^ivour  of  liherty.    If  1  claim 
a  place  among  cor^sistent  Pro{tjSt4intSy   I  must  testify 
against  all  the  a^ts  of  anficMrislian power.     If  1  fol- 
low the  steps  which  are  i^d  by  ^  blood  of  the 
Martyrs,  I  g)U8t  rnise  my  #jjce  against  the  thrones 
which  ^i^ci  that  Mood.    If  the'Bible  is  my  sysfeni  of 
religion,  and  of  social  order,  I  must  disclaim  attach- 
ment to  those  powers  that  are  ho^  ile  to  evangelical 
doctrine,  and  to  the  riir/its  of  the  church  of  God.    If, 
in  so  doing,  I  have  oliended  any  of  my  liearers,  it  is 
without  intending  it:  for  I  watch  for  your  souls,  and 
desire  to  promote  your  welfare  and  your  happiness. 
I  have  spoken,  what  I  felt  it  my  duty  to  speak,  with- 
out respect  of  persons.  Time  will  determine  whether 
r  iiave  erred  or  not :  And  I  leave  the  consequences, 
as  it  respects  myself  and  all  that  is  dear  to  me— as 
it  respects  the  cause  of  America  il^he  present  coritest, 
to  Goi)  MY  KfcjDEEMEK,  to  w/iomm jglort/  foT  ever  and 
ever. — Amf\.  '     '.'' 


% 


THE    END. 


it 


uy  portion  of 
iflace  fouglit, 
preaclicd  tlit: 
from  Patrick 
flesh  to  rest 
iposed  to  the 
and  hnmorai 
!,  the  country 
.    If  I  claim 
must  testify 
er.     If  1  fof- 
>lood  of  tlic 
the  thrones 
(ly  sysf t)  in  of 
claim  attach- 
>  evangelical 
of  God.    If, 
iiearers,  it  is 
lir  souls,  and 
ir  happiness- 
speak,  with- 
line  whether 
)nsequences, 
iv  to  ine — as 
sent  coFitest, 
for  ever  and 


*.. 


/M 


:#■■ 


"iMpV- 


1 


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s 


MAT 


W^:. 


!'■'  - 


-*■ 


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2^ 


S 


^74T 


r 


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I 


--Ji,*4l)>.  .'^W^-     .'-»  ^<'t'i^ 


l^v.wMhki^^%^MiK'~' 


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